美國地緣戰(zhàn)略大師布熱津斯基去世

If the template for the job of White House national security adviser had been written in the 1970s, two men, Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski, would have served as the models. Both were born in central Europe, had distinguished academic credentials, impeccable political connections and wrote extensively about the state of the world. And both were able to practice what they preached in print as the right hand men of the occupant of the Oval office.

如果白宮國家安全顧問的職責模板是在上世紀70年代寫就的，亨利•基辛格(Henry Kissinger)和茲比格涅夫•布熱津斯基(Zbigniew Brzezinski)兩人或許就是這一模板的樣板。兩人都出生在歐洲中部，都有出類拔萃的學術資質(zhì)、無懈可擊的政治人脈，都在全球局勢問題上著述頗豐。此外，他們都曾擔當橢圓形辦公室(Oval office)主人的得力助手，得以將他們在文字中宣揚的理念付諸實踐。

Brzezinski, who has died at the age of 89, was far from his predecessor’s doppelganger, but his record in office can stand fair comparison. On his watch, under President Jimmy Carter, the US normalised relations with China, severing ties with Taiwan in the process, signed the Salt Two arms treaty with the Soviet Union, brought Egypt and Israel together in the Camp David accords and concluded the Panama Canal treaty, ceding control to Panama. In each decision he was an influential player.

剛剛?cè)ナ馈⑾砟?9歲的布熱津斯基，生前遠非另一個基辛格(基辛格是他的前任)，但他在白宮取得的成績可以說不輸基辛格。在他擔任吉米•卡特(Jimmy Carter)總統(tǒng)的國家安全顧問期間，美國實現(xiàn)了與中國關系的正常化、并在這一過程中切斷了與臺灣的聯(lián)系，還與蘇聯(lián)簽署了《第二階段限制戰(zhàn)略武器條約》(Salt II)，撮合埃及和以色列共同簽署了《戴維營協(xié)議》(Camp David Accords)，并達成《巴拿馬運河條約》(Torrijos–Carter Treaties)、放棄了對巴拿馬運河的控制。在每一個決定中，布熱津斯基都是有影響力的參與者。

On the downside, the US was caught flatfooted by the Khomeini revolution in Iran, allowing the deposed Shah refuge in the US, which eventually led to the Iran hostage crisis, a factor in Mr Carter’s election defeat in 1980. Brzezinski was also instrumental in arming the Afghan mujahideen after the Soviet invasion of 1979, a policy that came back to haunt the US two decades later (to prove his point, flamboyantly, he was photographed in the Khyber Pass pointing a rifle across the border).

而從失敗的一面來說，伊朗的霍梅尼(Khomeini)革命令美國措手不及。美國允許被廢黜的伊朗沙阿(伊朗君主)在美國避難，最終引發(fā)了伊朗人質(zhì)危機，這是導致1980年卡特競選失敗的一個因素。美國在1979年蘇聯(lián)入侵阿富汗后幫助武裝阿富汗圣戰(zhàn)者組織(Mujahideen)，布熱津斯基也是這件事的重要促成者(當時，布熱津斯基為了表明自己的觀點，曾在開伯爾山口(Khyber Pass)拍下一張囂張的照片，照片中他將一枝步槍對準邊境線那邊)。然而20年后，這一政策卻反過來給美國帶來揮之不去的噩夢。

From their White House vantage point, both men had notoriously poor relations with the state department, respectively headed by William Rogers and Cyrus Vance, whom they viewed as staid and unimaginative. Vance eventually resigned in protest over the abortive hostage rescue mission in 1980, an operation Brzezinski actively supported.

在擔任國家安全顧問時，基辛格和布熱津斯基與美國國務院的關系都是出了名的糟糕——兩人對應的國務卿分別是威廉•羅杰斯(William Rogers)和賽勒斯•萬斯(Cyrus Vance)，這兩位國務卿在兩人看來古板而缺乏想象力。萬斯最終在1980年辭職，抗議布熱津斯基積極支持、卻最終失敗的人質(zhì)營救行動。

But both Kissinger and Brzezinski were known for their world views and doctrines, seeing the globe as a global chess board around which the US and USSR moved pieces. No national security adviser since them has had the temerity to venture so far, preferring roles as the facilitators of policies rather than as their intellectual authors.

不過，基辛格和布熱津斯基都以其世界觀和信條聞名于世，他們將全球視為一個美國和蘇聯(lián)對弈的大棋盤。在他們之后，再沒有哪位國家安全顧問敢如此冒險——這些后輩寧愿扮演政策的推進者，而不是政策的設計師。

Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezinski, born in Warsaw on March 28, 1928, was much influenced by his upbringing. His family was Polish nobility and his father, Tadeusz, a diplomat posted to Berlin, Moscow and finally Canada. From the first two of those postings the son had indelible first-hand experiences of the rise of Adolf Hitler and Josef Stalin’s notorious purges.

茲比格涅夫•卡齊米日•布熱津斯基(Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezinski)于1928年3月28日出生在華沙。他的家庭環(huán)境對他影響很大。他出身于波蘭貴族家庭，父親塔德烏什(Tadeusz)是一位外交官，曾被派駐柏林、莫斯科，并最終被派駐加拿大。通過父親的前兩次外派經(jīng)歷，布熱津斯基對阿道夫•希特勒(Adolf Hitler)的崛起和約瑟夫•斯大林(Josef Stalin)臭名昭著的大清洗有了難以磨滅的親身體驗。

Canada provided him refuge from the invasion of Poland in 1939 and the world war that first engulfed Europe. He was brought up in Montreal, educated at McGill University and subsequently moved through the finest American universities, including Harvard and Columbia, before his final association as a professor at Johns Hopkins. He became an American citizen in 1958.

1939年波蘭遭到侵略，世界大戰(zhàn)首先吞噬了歐洲，這時加拿大為他提供了庇護。他在蒙特利爾長大，在麥吉爾大學(McGill University)接受教育，然后又輾轉(zhuǎn)去了哈佛(Harvard)和哥倫比亞(Columbia)等美國最好的大學，他的最后一份教職是在約翰•霍普金斯大學(Johns Hopkins University)擔任教授。他于1958年成為美國公民。

Just as Dr Kissinger had hitched his star to Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York before gravitating to Richard Nixon, Brzezinski’s first important political connection was the Lyndon Johnson campaign in 1964. He then advised Hubert Humphrey four years later, but he struck pay dirt with the initially improbable presidential bid of Mr Carter, then a relatively obscure former southern governor from Georgia. The candidate’s intelligence and ambitions, allied to his inexperience in foreign policy, were the sort of clay which Brzezinski thought he could mould into a coherent global view.

正如基辛格博士在被吸引到理查德•尼克松(Richard Nixon)身邊之前曾先效力于紐約州州長納爾遜•洛克菲勒(Nelson Rockefeller)一樣，布熱津斯基的首次重要從政經(jīng)歷是在1964年輔助林登•約翰遜(Lyndon Johnson)競選。4年后，他又擔任了休伯特•漢弗萊(Hubert Humphrey)的顧問。但后來，他在起初看來沒有勝算的卡特的總統(tǒng)競選中發(fā)現(xiàn)了寶藏。當時，卡特還是鮮為人知的南方佐治亞州前州長。在布熱津斯基看來，這位候選人的智識和抱負、加上他在外交政策領域欠缺經(jīng)驗，正是可以塑造出一套連貫全球觀的那種“黏土”。

That, predictably, brought him into conflict with Vance, a diplomat of much distinction but one more inclined to find accommodations with Moscow than provoke it. The two worked well together on the Salt Two Treaty but too often the national security adviser’s impulsiveness rubbed the secretary of state up the wrong way. So did his habit of maintaining separate relations with the likes of Anatoly Dobrynin, the Soviet ambassador in Washington, independent of the state department.

可想而知，這導致他跟萬斯發(fā)生了沖突。萬斯是一位優(yōu)秀的外交官，但他更愿意尋求跟莫斯科方面和解，而不是挑釁它。這兩人在促成《第二階段限制戰(zhàn)略武器條約》過程中合作愉快，但有太多時候，國家安全顧問布熱津斯基的沖動惹惱了國務卿萬斯。布熱津斯基習慣于跟蘇聯(lián)駐華盛頓大使阿納托利•多勃雷寧(Anatoly Dobrynin)等人保持獨立于國務院的單獨關系，這也令萬斯不快。

In another departure, hardly surprising given his own background and his president’s natural inclinations, Brzezinski placed human rights far higher up the policy agenda than had previously been the case. That constituted a significant departure from standard US policy, which tended to tolerate, as in General Pinochet’s Chile, human rights abuses in return for fealty to the US.

布熱津斯基的另一背離傳統(tǒng)之處在于(鑒于他的個人背景和他所效力的總統(tǒng)的天生偏好，這不令人意外)，他把人權在政策議程中的地位提到比以往高得多的位置。這在很大程度上偏離了美國的標準政策。美國以往傾向于容忍侵犯人權現(xiàn)象——比如對待皮諾切特將軍(General Pinochet)治下智利的態(tài)度——以換取對美國的忠誠。

After leaving office, he became, not unlike Dr Kissinger, a prolific commentator and author on foreign policy, but without ever quite achieving his predecessor’s level of access. He broke with the Democratic Party and endorsed President George H W Bush in 1988 and was critical of Bill Clinton’s long reluctance to intervene in the Balkans in the 1990s. But he was a fierce critic of the younger President Bush’s war in Iraq and fulsome in his praise of Barack Obama, even though he was never admitted into his policy circle.

卸任后，他成了一名多產(chǎn)的評論家和外交政策問題著述者，這一點跟基辛格博士差不多，但他從未取得像他前任那樣的成功。1988年，他站到了民主黨的對立面、支持當時的總統(tǒng)老布什(George H.W. Bush)。他還對比爾•克林頓(Bill Clinton)在上世紀90年代長期不愿干涉巴爾干局勢提出了批評。但是，他猛烈抨擊了小布什(George W. Bush)總統(tǒng)發(fā)動的伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭，熱情洋溢地稱贊巴拉克•奧巴馬(Barack Obama)，盡管他從未被納入奧巴馬的政策圈子。

An engaging conversationalist and avid tennis player, he is survived by his wife, the sculptor Emilie Benes, two sons and a daughter, Mika, the TV news host, who announced his death on Friday.

布熱津斯基談吐風趣，酷愛打網(wǎng)球。他去世后留下了雕塑家妻子埃米莉•拜奈什(Emilie Benes)、兩個兒子和女兒米卡(Mika)。周五，身為電視新聞主播的米卡宣布了她父親的死訊。