韓國首爾——韓國人氣歌手李承哲(Lee Seung Chul)近日在Twitter上說了一個他稱為苦中作樂的笑話,反映了該國公眾對總統(tǒng)樸槿惠(Park Geun-hye)丑聞的憤怒之情。
“If Hillary is elected, the United States will have its first female president. If Trump is elected, it will have its first crazy president,” went the joke, which was widely shared online. “South Korea got both in 2012.”
“如果希拉里當選,美國將迎來第一位女總統(tǒng)。如果特朗普當選,美國將迎來第一個瘋狂總統(tǒng),”這個在網(wǎng)上盛傳的笑話后面加了一句,“韓國在2012年就兩者兼具了。”
Park’s 2012 victory was hailed as a milestone for South Korea’s deeply patriarchal society. But four years later, pressure is mounting across the country and even from within her own party for Park to step down or face impeachment. This week, she became South Korea’s first sitting president to be accused by prosecutors of a criminal conspiracy.
2012年當選時,樸槿惠曾被譽為韓國打破父權(quán)社會的一個里程碑。但四年后,韓國各地要求她下臺或者被彈劾的壓力越來越大,有些壓力甚至來自她自己黨內(nèi)。本周,她成了韓國第一位被檢察官指控有犯罪陰謀的在任總統(tǒng)。
The scandal surrounding Park has left many South Korean women infuriated with the president and fearful that it could be used to argue that women are unfit to lead. They worry that the country, already among the lowest in global gender-equality rankings, could become even more resistant to elevating women to positions of power.
樸槿惠丑聞讓很多韓國女性對總統(tǒng)感到憤怒,擔心此事可被作為女性不適合成為領(lǐng)導者的論據(jù)。韓國已經(jīng)是全球性別平等排名中最低的國家之一,她們擔心此事將給女性通向權(quán)力的道路造成更多障礙。
“We have had more than our share of outrageous male politicians,” said Kim Yun-jeong, 22, who had a placard that said “Park Geun-hye, OUT!” at a recent demonstration in Seoul, the capital. “But I feel men now saying, behind our back and with a smirk on their faces, ‘See! This is what we get when we have a woman president for a change.'”
“韓國令人憎惡的男性政客已經(jīng)太多。但我覺得,男人們現(xiàn)在在我們的背后,皮笑肉不笑地說,‘看!當我們換個口味選女總統(tǒng)的時候,下場就會是這樣。’”22歲的金尹貞(Kim Yun-jeong,音)說。她參加了首都首爾近日舉行的一次示威活動,手里舉著“樸槿惠,下臺!”的標語。
Park’s troubles stem from her decades of ties to Choi Soon-sil, a daughter of Choi Tae-min, the founder of a fringe religious sect who had befriended Park in the 1970s. Choi Soon-sil was indicted Sunday on charges of using her influence with Park to extort millions from businesses. Prosecutors said Park was an accomplice of Choi, but she is protected by the constitution from criminal indictment.
樸槿惠的麻煩源于她和崔順實(Choi Soon-sil)幾十年來的交往。崔順實的父親崔太敏(Choi Tae-min)是一個邊緣宗教教派的創(chuàng)始人,在1970年代和樸槿惠結(jié)識。崔順實周日被指控利用和樸槿惠的關(guān)系從企業(yè)敲詐了數(shù)以百萬計美元的資金。檢察官說,樸槿惠是崔順實的同謀,但由于有憲法保護,她沒有遭受刑事起訴。
Park has agreed to submit to an inquiry. But on Tuesday, her lawyer, Yoo Yeong-ha, tried to use Park’s gender as a shield, saying she was “a woman before being president” and that her “privacy as a woman” should be protected from prosecutors who sought to question her.
樸槿惠同意接受詢問。但在本周二,她的律師柳榮夏(Yoo Yeong-ha)試圖使用她的性別作為擋箭牌,稱她“在成為總統(tǒng)之前是個女人”,她“作為女人的隱私”應該受到保護,不被試圖詢問她的檢察官知曉。
Women’s groups were having none of it.
女性團體對這個說法嗤之以鼻。
“They are not investigating her privacy as a woman but her acts of destroying constitutional order as president,” a group of women’s advocacy organizations said in a joint statement. (Yoo declined to elaborate on what Park’s privacy had to do with the investigation.)
一些女權(quán)組織在一份聯(lián)合聲明中說,“他們不是在調(diào)查她作為一個女人的隱私,而是在調(diào)查憲法界定的作為總統(tǒng)的行為。”(柳榮夏拒絕詳細說明樸槿惠哪些隱私與調(diào)查有關(guān))。
South Korea’s women have been just as loud as its men in denouncing Park. Recent polls have found her to be deeply unpopular among both men and women.
在譴責樸槿惠的時候,韓國女性的聲音和男性一樣響亮。最近的民意調(diào)查發(fā)現(xiàn),她在男性和女性中都不受歡迎。
And in the huge protests that have filled central Seoul over the past four weekends, women have often led peaceful marches — an unusual sight in South Korea, where anti-government demonstrations often feature men clashing with riot police officers.
過去四個周末在漢城中心舉行的大型抗議活動中,女性經(jīng)常是和平游行的領(lǐng)導者——這在韓國很不尋常,那里的反政府示威常常是男性與防暴警察發(fā)生沖突。
During a Nov. 12 rally that attracted 1 million people by some estimates, a student from the Sacred Heart Girls’ High School in Seoul, Park’s alma mater, took the podium. “You have become an object of shame for us,” the student said of Park, prompting wild cheers from the crowd. “We can no longer tolerate you representing our nation.”
11月12日的一場游行估計吸引了100萬人參加,一名來自樸槿惠的母校首爾圣心女子高中(Sacred Heart Girls’ High School)的學生走上了講臺。“你已經(jīng)成為我們的恥辱,”這名學生如此說樸槿惠,引發(fā)了人群的熱烈歡呼。“我們不能再容忍你代表我們的國家。”
So far, Park’s gender has not been an outright issue in the scandal, but it has colored the outrage. Older conservative men who have turned against Park since the scandal often disdainfully refer to her as an “unfilial daughter.”
到目前為止,樸槿惠的性別在丑聞中都不是一個直接問題,但它給憤怒添加了其他層面。自從丑聞爆發(fā)以來,一些反對樸槿惠的保守派年長男人經(jīng)常用蔑視的口氣說她是“不肖女”。
Online, men have attacked Park and Choi by invoking an old Korean diatribe against assertive women: “If a hen crows, the household collapses.” (When a man used that phrase at a recent protest, it set off both cheers and boos from the crowd.)
在網(wǎng)上,男人用一句辱罵強勢女性的韓國老話來攻擊樸槿惠和崔順實:“母雞打鳴,家破人亡。”(當一個男人在最近的抗議活動中使用這句話時,人群中既有歡呼聲又有噓聲。)
In the local news media, photographs have emerged that show urinals painted with images of Park and Choi. People have derided Choi, who has no background in government or policymaking, as an “ajumma,” or homemaker, “from Gangnam,” a Seoul district often associated with affluence and moral weakness.
朝鮮新聞媒體刊登了有樸槿惠和崔順實頭像的小便池照片。沒有執(zhí)政或政策制定資歷的崔順實被蔑稱為“江南家庭主婦”,人們常常將首爾江南區(qū)和富人與道德敗壞聯(lián)系在一起。
“President Park is taken as evidence that women are not qualified for politics,” a feminist group said last week, protesting what it called gender prejudices tainting the campaign against Park.
“樸槿惠總統(tǒng)被認為是女性不適合從政的證據(jù)”,一個女權(quán)主義團體上周表示,她們抗議這種性別偏見玷污了反樸槿惠的運動。
Park has seldom spoken of her gender. But she has styled herself after her mother, Yuk Young-soo, who is seen as a symbol of feminine sacrifice among older Koreans. The former first lady was fatally shot in 1974 by a pro-North Korean assassin who had targeted her husband. For decades, Park’s hairstyle has reminded people of her mother.
樸槿惠很少拿自己的性別說事。但是她模仿了母親陸英修(Yuk Young-soo)的著裝風格。這位前第一夫人被老一輩人視為女性自我犧牲精神的象征,1974年,一名支持朝鮮的刺客在行刺她丈夫時將她槍殺。幾十年來,樸槿惠的發(fā)型一直讓人們想起她的母親。
She has also built a muscular political reputation in what some analysts have called an attempt to dispel the notion that a female leader would be weak on security issues. She has been hawkish on North Korea, predicting its collapse and promising military retaliation if provoked. At home, she has been a disciplinarian, stressing national order and calling her critics “unclean forces.”
她在政治上也建立了強勢的聲譽,有分析家說,她企圖破除“女性領(lǐng)導者在安全問題上比較弱勢”的觀念。對于朝鮮問題,她站在鷹派立場上,預測朝鮮會崩潰,誓言如果遭到挑釁必定采取軍事報復行動。在國內(nèi),她厲行紀律,強調(diào)國家秩序,稱她的批評者是“邪惡力量”。
Her upbringing and manners have led critics to accuse her of acting with a sense of entitlement. Those accusations have carried a powerful punch in South Korea, where many have grown disillusioned with so-called imperial male leaders in politics and in the corporate world, and expected a less rigid style from the first female president. Many of the most bitter criticisms have come from other women.
她的教養(yǎng)和舉止引得批評人士指責她的行為透出一種優(yōu)越感。這種指控在韓國是非常有力的,因為許多人漸漸對政界和商界的所謂帝王式的男性領(lǐng)導人不抱幻想,而期待首位女性總統(tǒng)帶來不那么僵硬的管理風格。最尖銳的批評者中有不少是女性。
Park once sat motionless in the rain, waiting for an aide to step forward and pull her hood over her head, according to the aide, Jeon Yeo-ok, who later parted ways with Park and caused a sensation when she recounted the tale. “She is the kind of woman who would wear her crown to a nightclub,” Jeon said in 2012.
據(jù)后來與樸槿惠分道揚鑣的助手田麗玉(Jeon Yeo-ok)講述,樸槿惠曾一動不動地在雨中坐著,等待助手上前給她戴上兜帽。“她是那種去夜總會也會帶著王冠的女人,”田麗玉在2012年寫道。她當時講述的故事在韓國引發(fā)強烈的反應。