Peace in the Atomic Age
I am grateful to you for the opportunity to express my conviction in this most important political question.
The idea of achieving security through national armament is, at the present state of military technique, a disastrous illusion. On the part of the United States this illusion has been particularly fostered by the fact that this country succeeded first in producing an atomic bomb. The belief seemed to prevail that in the end it were possible to achieve decisive military superiority.
In this way, any potential opponent would be intimidated, and security, so ardently desired by all of us, brought to us and all of humanity. The maxim which we have been following during these last five years has been, in short: security through superior military power, whatever the cost.
The armament race between the U.S.A. and U.S.S.R., originally supposed to be a preventive measure, assumes hysterical character. On both sides, the means to mass destruction are perfected with feverish haste - behind the respective walls of secrecy. The H-bomb appears on the public horizon as a probably attainable goal.
If successful, radioactive poisoning of the atmosphere and hence annihilation of any life on earth has been brought within the range of technical possibilities. The ghostlike character of this development lies in its apparently compulsory trend. Every step appears as the unavoidable consequence of the preceding one. In the end, it beckons more and more clearly general annihilation.
Is there any way out of this impasse created by man himself? All of us, and particularly those who are responsible for the attitude of the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., should realized that we may have vanquished an external enemy, but have been incapable of getting rid of the mentality created by the war.
It is impossible to achieve peaces as long as every single action is taken with a possible future conflict in view. The leading point of view of all political action should therefore be: What can we do to bring about a peaceful co-existence and even loyal cooperation of the nations?
The first problem is to do away with mutual fear and distrust. Solemn renunciation of violence (not only with respect to means of mass destruction) is undoubtedly necessary.
Such renunciation, however, can only be effective if at the same time a supra-nationaljudicial and executive body is set up empowered to decide questions of immediate concern to the security of the nations. Even a declaration of the nations to collaborate loyally in the realization of such a "restricted world government" would considerably reduce the imminent danger of war.
In the last analysis, every kind of peaceful cooperation among men is primarily based on mutual trust and only secondly on institutions such as courts of justice and police. This holds for nations as well as for individuals. And the basis of trust is loyal give and take.
原子能時(shí)代的和平
【美國】愛因斯坦(1879~1955)
愛國斯坦,著名物理學(xué)家。生于德國,1933年遷居美國。本篇闡述了原子能武器對人類的威脅。呼吁美蘇兩霸放棄武力。
感謝你們使我有機(jī)會就這個(gè)最重要的政治問題發(fā)表意見。
在軍事技術(shù)已發(fā)展到目前狀況的今天,加強(qiáng)國家軍備以保證安全的想法,只是一個(gè)會帶來災(zāi)難后果的幻想。美國首先制成了原子彈,所以特別容易抱有這種幻想??磥矶鄶?shù)人相信,美國最終可能在軍事上取得決定性的優(yōu)勢。
這樣,任何潛在的敵人就會被震懾,而我們和全人類就可以得到大家所熱望的安全了。我們近五年來一直信守的格言,簡而言之,就是:不惜一切代價(jià),通過得到軍事力量的優(yōu)勢以保證安全。
美國與蘇聯(lián)之間的軍備競賽,最初只是作為一種防止戰(zhàn)爭的手段,現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)帶有歇斯底里的性質(zhì)。在保證安全的漂亮帷幕后面,雙方都以狂熱的速度改善大規(guī)模的破壞手段,在人們的眼光里,制成氫彈似乎已是可能達(dá)到的目標(biāo)。
一旦達(dá)到這個(gè)目標(biāo),大氣層的放射性污染以及由此導(dǎo)致地球上一切生命的滅絕,從技術(shù)角度而言將成為可能。這種發(fā)展的可怕之處在于它已明顯地成為不可遏止的趨勢。第一步必然引出第二步。最后,越來越清楚地,必然招致全人類的普遍滅絕。
人類自己走進(jìn)的這條死胡同還有出路嗎?我們所有人,特別是那些對美國和蘇聯(lián)的立場負(fù)責(zé)的人,應(yīng)該認(rèn)識到:我們可能戰(zhàn)勝外部的敵人,但卻不可能消除由戰(zhàn)爭產(chǎn)生的那種精神狀態(tài)。
如果每采取一項(xiàng)行動都考慮將來可能要發(fā)生沖突,那么要取得和平便是不可能的。因此,一切政治行動的指導(dǎo)思想應(yīng)該是:為了實(shí)現(xiàn)國與國之間的和平共存甚至真誠合作,我們能做些什么?
首先要做到的是去除雙方的恐懼和猜疑。鄭重宣布廢棄使用武力 (不僅是廢棄大規(guī)模的破壞手段),無疑是必要的。
然而,只有同時(shí)成立一個(gè)超國家的司法和執(zhí)行機(jī)構(gòu),使它有權(quán)決定直接關(guān)系到各國安全的問題,才能有效地廢絕使用武力。即使是各國發(fā)表共同宣言,保證忠誠地通力合作,使成立這樣一個(gè) “權(quán)力有限的世界政府”得以實(shí)現(xiàn),也會大為緩和戰(zhàn)爭發(fā)生的危險(xiǎn)。
總括地說,一切人類和平分作的基礎(chǔ)首先是相互信任,其次才是法庭和警察一類的機(jī)構(gòu)。對于個(gè)人是這樣,對于國家也是這樣。信任的基礎(chǔ)是:取和予都要正直忠實(shí)。