里根在美國(guó)全國(guó)福音派聯(lián)會(huì)年會(huì)上的演講

里根在美國(guó)全國(guó)福音派聯(lián)會(huì)年會(huì)上的演講

Thank you. Thank you very much.

And, Reverend Clergy all, Senator Hawkins, distinguished members of the Florida congressional delegation, and all of you: I can’t tell you how you have warmed my heart with your welcome. I’m delighted to be here today.

Those of you in the National Association of Evangelicals are known for your spiritual and humanitarian work. And I would be especially remiss if I didn’t discharge right now one personal debt of gratitude. Thank you for your prayers. Nancy and I have felt their presence many times in many ways. And believe me, for us they’ve made all the difference.

The other day in the East Room of the White House at a meeting there, someone asked me whether I was aware of all the people out there who were praying for the President. And I had to say,“Yes, I am. I’ve felt it. I believe in intercessionary prayer.”But I couldn’t help but say to that questioner after he’d asked the question that—or at least say to them that if sometimes when he was praying he got a busy signal, it was just me in there ahead of him. I think I understand how Abraham Lincoln felt when he said,“I have been driven many times to my knees by the overwhelming conviction that I had nowhere else to go.”From the joy and the good feeling of this conference, I go to a political reception. Now, I do not know why, but that bit of scheduling reminds me of a story which I will share with you.

An evangelical minister and a politician arrived at Heaven’s gate one day together. And St. Peter, after doing all the necessary formalities, took them in hand to show them where their quarters would be. And he took them to a small, single room with a bed, a chair, and a table and said this was for the clergyman. And the politician was a little worried about what might be in store for him. And he couldn’t believe it then when St. Peter stopped in front of a beautiful mansion with lovely grounds, many servants, and told him that these would be his quarters.

And he couldn’t help but ask, he said,“But wait, how—there’s something wrong—how do I get this mansion while that good and holy man only gets a single room?”And St. Peter said,“You have to understand how things are up here. We’ve got thousands and thousands of clergy. You’re the first politician who ever made it.”

But I don’t want to contribute to a stereotype. So I tell you there are a great many God-fearing, dedicated, noble men and women in public life, present company included. And yes, we need your help to keep us ever-mindful of the ideas and the principles that brought us into the public arena in the first place. The basis of those ideals and principles is a commitment to freedom and personal liberty that, itself is grounded in the much deeper realization that freedom prospers only where the blessings of God are avidly sought and humbly accepted.

The American experiment in democracy rests on this insight. Its discovery was the great triumph of our Founding Fathers, voiced by William Penn when he said: “If we will not be governed by God, we must be governed by tyrants.”Explaining the inalienable rights of men, Jefferson said,“The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time.”And it was George Washington who said“of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports.”

And finally, that shrewdest of all observers of American democracy, Alexis de Tocqueville, put it eloquently after he had gone on a search for the secret of America’s greatness and genius—and he said:“Not until I went into the churches of America and heard her pulpits aflame with righteousness did I understand the greatness and the genius of America. America is good. And if America ever ceases to be good, America will cease to be great.”

Well, I’m pleased to be here today with you who are keeping America great by keeping her good. Only through your work, prayers, and those of millions of others can we hope to survive this perilous century and keep alive this experiment in liberty, this last, best hope of man.

I want you to know that this administration is motivated by a political philosophy that sees the greatness of America in you, her people, and in your families, churches, neighborhoods, communities: the institutions that foster and nourish values like concern for others and respect for the rule of law under God.

Now, I don’t have to tell you that this puts us in opposition to, or at least out of step with, a—a prevailing attitude of many who have turned to a modern-day secularism, discarding the tried and time-tested values upon which our very civilization is based. No matter how well intentioned, their value system is radically different from that of most Americans. And while they proclaim that they’re freeing us from superstitions of the past, they’ve taken upon themselves the job of superintending us by government rule and regulation. Sometimes their voices are louder than ours, but they are not yet a majority.

An example of that vocal superiority is evident in a controversy now going on in Washington. And since I’m involved, I’ve been waiting to hear from the parents of young America. How far are they willing to go in giving to government their prerogatives as parents?

Let me state the case as briefly and simply as I can. An organization of citizens, sincerely motivated, deeply concerned about the increase in illegitimate births and abortions involving girls well below the age of consent, some time ago established a nationwide network of clinics to offer help to these girls and, hopefully, alleviate this situation. Now, again, let me say, I do not fault their intent. However, in their well-intentioned effort, these clinics decided to provide advice and birth control drugs and devices to underage girls without the knowledge of their parents.

For some years now, the federal government has helped with funds to subsidize these clinics. In providing for this, the Congress decreed that every effort would be made to maximize parental participation. Nevertheless, the drugs and devices are prescribed without getting parental consent or giving notification after they’ve done so. Girls termed“sexually active”—and that has replaced the word“promiscuous”—are given this help in order to prevent illegitimate birth or abortion.

Well, we have ordered clinics receiving federal funds to notify the parents such help has been given. One of the nation’s leading newspapers has created the term“squeal rule”in editorializing against us for doing this, and we’re being criticized for violating the privacy of young people. A judge has recently granted an injunction against an enforcement of our rule. I have watched TV panel shows discuss this issue, seen columnists pontificating on our error, but no one seems to mention morality as playing a part in the subject of sex.

Is all of Judeo-Christian tradition wrong? Are we to believe that something so sacred can be looked upon as a purely physical thing with no potential for emotional and psychological harm? And isn’t it the parents’ right to give counsel and advice to keep their children from making mistakes that may affect their entire lives?

Many of us in government would like to know what parents think about this intrusion in their family by government. We’re going to fight in the courts. The right of parents and the rights of family take precedence over those of Washington-based bureaucrats and social engineers.

But the fight against parental notification is really only one example of many attempts to water down traditional values and even abrogate the original terms of American democracy. Freedom prospers when religion is vibrant and the rule of law under God is acknowledged. When our Founding Fathers passed the First Amendment, they sought to protect churches from government interference. They never intended to construct a wall of hostility between government and the concept of religious belief itself.

The evidence of this permeates our history and our government. The Declaration of Independence mentions the Supreme Being no less than four times.“In God We Trust”is engraved on our coinage. The Supreme Court opens its proceedings with a religious invocation. And the members of Congress open their sessions with a prayer. I just happen to believe the schoolchildren of the United States are entitled to the same privileges as Supreme Court justices and congressmen.

Last year, I sent the Congress a constitutional amendment to restore prayer to public schools. Already this session, there is growing bipartisan support for the amendment, and I am calling on the Congress to act speedily to pass it and to let our children pray.

Perhaps some of you read recently about the Lubbock school case, where a judge actually ruled that it was unconstitutional for a school district to give equal treatment to religious and nonreligious student groups, even when the group meetings were being held during the students’ own time. The First Amendment never intended to require government to discriminate against religious speech.

Senators Denton and Hatfield have proposed legislation in the Congress on the whole question of prohibiting discrimination against religious forms of student speech. Such legislation could go far to restore freedom of religious speech for public school students. And I hope the Congress considers these bills quickly. And with your help, I think it’s possible we could also get the constitutional amendment through the Congress this year.

More than a decade ago, a Supreme Court decision literally wiped off the books of fifty states statutes protecting the rights of unborn children. Abortion on demand now takes the lives of up to one and a half million unborn children a year. Human life legislation ending this tragedy will someday pass the Congress, and you and I must never rest until it does. Unless and until it can be proven that the unborn child is not a living entity, then its right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness must be protected.

You may remember that when abortion on demand began, many, and indeed, I am sure many of you, warned that the practice would lead to a decline in respect for human life, that the philosophical premises used to justify abortion on demand would ultimately be used to justify other attacks on the sacredness of human life—infanticide or mercy killing. Tragically enough, those warnings proved all too true. Only last year a court permitted the death by starvation of a handicapped infant.

I have directed the Health and Human Services Department to make clear to every health care facility in the United States that the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 protects all handicapped persons against discrimination based on handicaps, including infants. And we have taken the further step of requiring that each and every recipient of federal funds who provides health care services to infants must post and keep posted in a conspicuous place a notice stating “discriminatory failure to feed and care for handicapped infants in this facility is prohibited by federal law.”It also lists a twenty-four-hour; toll-free number so that nurses and others may report violations in time to save the infant’s life.

In addition, recent legislation introduced by—in the Congress by Representative Henry Hyde of Illinois not only increases restrictions on publicly financed abortions, it also addresses this whole problem of infanticide. I urge the Congress to begin hearings and to adopt legislation that will protect the right of life to all children, including the disabled or handicapped.

Now, I’m sure that you must get discouraged at times, but there you’ve done better than you know, perhaps. There’s a great spiritual awakening in America, a renewal of the traditional values that have been the bedrock of America’s goodness and greatness.

One recent survey by a Washington-based research council concluded that Americans were far more religious than the people of other nations were; 95 percent of those surveyed expressed a belief in God and a huge majority believed the Ten Commandments had real meaning in their lives. And another study has found that an overwhelming majority of Americans disapprove of adultery, teenage sex, pornography, abortion, and hard drugs. And this same study showed a deep reverence for the importance of family ties and religious belief.

I think the items that we’ve discussed here today must be a key part of the nation’s political agenda. For the first time the Congress is openly and seriously debating and dealing with the prayer and abortion issues and that’s enormous progress right there. I repeat: America is in the midst of a spiritual awakening and a moral renewal. And with your biblical keynote, I say today,“Yes, let justice roll on like a river, righteousness like a never-failing stream.”

Now, obviously, much of this new political and social consensus I’ve talked about is based on a positive view of American history, one that takes pride in our country’s accomplishments and record. But we must never forget that no government schemes are going to perfect man.

We know that living in this world means dealing with what philosophers would call the phenomenology of evil or, as theologians would put it, the doctrine of sin.There is sin and evil in the world, and we’re enjoined by Scripture and the Lord Jesus to oppose it with all our might. Our nation, too, has a legacy of evil with which it must deal. The glory of this land has been its capacity for transcending the moral evils of our past. For example, the long struggle of minority citizens for equal rights, once a source of disunity and civil war is now a point of pride for all Americans. We must never go back. There is no room for racism, anti-Semitism, or other forms of ethnic and racial hatred in this country.

I know that you’ve been horrified, as have I, by the resurgence of some hate groups preaching bigotry and prejudice. Use the mighty voice of your pulpits and the powerful standing of your churches to denounce and isolate these hate groups in our midst. The commandment given us is clear and simple:“Thou shall love thy neighbor as thyself.”

But whatever sad episodes exist in our past, any objective observer must hold a positive view of American history, a history that has been the story of hopes fulfilled and dreams made into reality. Especially in this century, America has kept alight the torch of freedom, but not just for ourselves but for millions of others around the world.

And this brings me to my final point today. During my first press conference as president, in answer to a direct question, I pointed out that, as good Marxist-Leninists, the Soviet leaders have openly and publicly declared that the only morality they recognize is that which will further their cause, which is world revolution. I think I should point out I was only quoting Lenin, their guiding spirit, who said in 1920 that they repudiate all morality that proceeds from supernatural ideas—that’s their name for religion—or ideas that are outside class conceptions. Morality is entirely subordinate to the interests of class war. And everything is moral that is necessary for the annihilation of the old, exploiting social order and for uniting the proletariat.

Well, I think the refusal of many influential people to accept this elementary fact of Soviet doctrine illustrates a historical reluctance to see totalitarian powers for what they are. We saw this phenomenon in the 1930s. We see it too often today.

This doesn’t mean we should isolate ourselves and refuse to seek an understanding with them. I intend to do everything I can to persuade them of our peaceful intent, to remind them that it was the West that refused to use its nuclear monopoly in the forties and fifties for territorial gain and which now proposes 50 percent cut in strategic ballistic missiles and the elimination of an entire class of land-based, intermediate-range nuclear missiles.

At the same time, however, they must be made to understand we will never compromise our principles and standards. We will never give away our freedom. We will never abandon our belief in God. And we will never stop searching for a genuine peace. But we can assure none of these things America stands for through the so-called nuclear freeze solutions proposed by some.

The truth is that a freeze now would be a very dangerous fraud, for that is merely the illusion of peace. The reality is that we must find peace through strength.

I would agree to a freeze if only we could freeze the Soviets’ global desires. A freeze at current levels of weapons would remove any incentive for the Soviets to negotiate seriously in Geneva and virtually end our chances to achieve the major arms reductions, which we have proposed. Instead, they would achieve their objectives through the freeze.

A freeze would reward the Soviet Union for its enormous and unparalleled military buildup. It would prevent the essential and long overdue modernization of United States and allied defenses and would leave our aging forces increasingly vulnerable. And an honest freeze would require extensive prior negotiations on the systems and numbers to be limited and on the measures to ensure effective verification and compliance. And the kind of a freeze that has been suggested would be virtually impossible to verify. Such a major effort would divert us completely from our current negotiations on achieving substantial reductions.

A number of years ago, I heard a young father, a very prominent young man in the entertainment world, addressing a tremendous gathering in California. It was during the time of the cold war, and communism and our own way of life were very much on people’s minds. And he was speaking to that subject. And suddenly, though, I heard him saying,“I love my little girls more than anything.”And I said to myself,“Oh, no, don’t. You can’t—don’t say that.”But I had underestimated him. He went on: “I would rather see my little girls die now; still believing in God, than have them grow up under communism and one day die no longer believing in God.”

There were thousands of young people in that audience. They came to their feet with shouts of joy. They had instantly recognized the profound truth in what he had said, with regard to the physical and the soul and what was truly important.

Yes, let us pray for the salvation of all of those who live in that totalitarian darkness. Pray they will discover the joy of knowing God. But until they do, let us be aware that while they preach the supremacy of the State, declare its omnipotence over individual man, and predict its eventual domination of all peoples on the earth, they are the focus of evil in the modern world.

It was C.S. Lewis who, in his unforgettable Screw Tape Letters, wrote:“The greatest evil is not done now in those sordid‘dens of crime’that Dickens loved to paint. It is not even done in concentration camps and labor camps. In those, we see its result. But it is conceived and ordered; moved, seconded, carried and minuted in clear, carpeted, warmed, and well-lighted offices, by quiet men with white collars and cut fingernails and smooth-shaven cheeks who do not need to raise their voice.”

Well, because these quiet men do not raise their voices, because they sometimes speak in soothing tones of brotherhood and peace, because, like other dictators before them, they are always making “their final territorial demand,”some would have us accept them at their word and accommodate ourselves to their aggressive impulses. But if history teaches anything, it teaches that simpleminded appeasement or wishful thinking about our adversaries is folly. It means the betrayal of our past, the squandering of our freedom.

So, I urge you to speak out against those who would place the United States in a position of military and moral inferiority. You know, I’ve always believed that old Screw Tape reserved his best efforts for those of you in the Church. So, in your discussions of the nuclear freeze proposals, I urge you to beware the temptation of pride—the temptation of blithely declaring yourselves above it all and label both sides equally at fault, to ignore the facts of history and the aggressive impulses of an evil empire, to simply call the arms race a giant misunderstanding and thereby remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong and good and evil.

I ask you to resist the attempts of those who would have you withhold your support for our efforts, this administration’s efforts, to keep America strong and free, while we negotiate real and verifiable reductions in the world’s nuclear arsenals and one day, with God’s help, their total elimination.

While America’s military strength is important, let me add here that I’ve always maintained that the struggle now going on for the world will never be decided by bombs or rockets, by armies or military might. The real crisis we face today is a spiritual one; at root, it is a test of moral will and faith.

Whittaker Chambers, the man whose own religious conversion made him a witness to one of the terrible traumas of our time, the Hiss-Chambers case, wrote that the crisis of the Western world exists to the degree in which the West is indifferent to God, the degree to which it collaborates in communism’s attempt to make man stand alone without God. Then he said, for Marxism-Leninism is actually the second-oldest faith, first proclaimed in the Garden of Eden with the words of temptation,“Ye shall be as gods.”

The Western world can answer this challenge, he wrote,“But only provided that its faith in God and the freedom He enjoins is as great as communism’s faith in man.”

I believe we shall rise to the challenge. I believe that communism is another sad, bizarre chapter in human history whose last—last pages even now are being written. I believe this because the source of our strength in the quest for human freedom is not material, but spiritual. And because it knows no limitation, it must terrify and ultimately triumph over those who would enslave their fellow man. For in the words of Isaiah:“He giveth power to the faint; and to them that have no might He increased strength. But they that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength; they shall mount up with wings as eagles; they shall run, and not be weary.”

Yes, change your world. One of our Founding Fathers, Thomas Paine, said,“We have it within our power to begin the world over again.”We can do it, doing together what no one church could do by itself.

God bless you and thank you very much.

謝謝大家!非常感謝。

尊敬的宗教領(lǐng)袖們、霍金斯參議員、尊貴的弗羅里達(dá)國(guó)會(huì)代表團(tuán)的成員、先生們：你們的歡迎讓我感受到無(wú)法言表的溫暖。今天在這里我感到非常愉快。

全國(guó)福音派聯(lián)會(huì)的人士們所擁有的人道主義精神名聞遐邇。如果我不先向你們表達(dá)我的感激之情，我就太過(guò)傲慢無(wú)禮了。感謝你們的祈禱。南希和我經(jīng)常能感受到你們就在身邊的溫暖。相信我，對(duì)我們來(lái)說(shuō)，你們非常重要。

有一天，在白宮的東廳舉行會(huì)議時(shí)，有人問(wèn)我，是否注意到那些在外面一直為總統(tǒng)祈禱的人群。我說(shuō)：“是的，我注意到了。我能感受到這一點(diǎn)。我相信代禱的作用。”但我又情不自禁地要告訴他——實(shí)際上也是對(duì)在場(chǎng)的所有人說(shuō)，“如果有時(shí)候他在祈禱時(shí)得不到響應(yīng)，那是因?yàn)槲耶?dāng)時(shí)已經(jīng)在上帝面前了。”亞伯拉罕·林肯說(shuō)：“當(dāng)我深信自己走投無(wú)路時(shí)，我總是要向上帝跪下呼求。”我想我理解林肯說(shuō)這話時(shí)的感受。懷著對(duì)這次聚會(huì)的愉快心情和美好感受，我要轉(zhuǎn)入政治話題。我不知道為什么，但那個(gè)日程安排讓我想起一個(gè)故事。

有一天，一位福音派牧師和一個(gè)政客來(lái)到天堂的大門(mén)前。圣彼得辦完了所有必要的手續(xù)后，領(lǐng)著他們來(lái)到各自的住處。他先領(lǐng)著他們來(lái)到一個(gè)小單間，里面只有一張床、一把椅子和一張桌子，說(shuō)這是為牧師準(zhǔn)備的?？吹竭@個(gè)情形，政客有點(diǎn)惴惴不安，不知道等待他的將會(huì)是什么。

當(dāng)圣彼得領(lǐng)著他來(lái)到一所富麗堂皇、仆傭成群的大宅子時(shí)，他簡(jiǎn)直不相信自己的眼睛。他禁不住問(wèn)彼得：“等等，有沒(méi)有搞錯(cuò)?我怎么會(huì)有這樣的寓所，而那個(gè)虔誠(chéng)圣潔的人只得到一個(gè)單間?”彼得回答道：“你要明白，這里是物以稀為貴。我們已經(jīng)有了數(shù)不清的牧師，而你是來(lái)這里的第一位政客。”

我說(shuō)這個(gè)故事并不是要為這些陳詞濫調(diào)助興。而是要告訴你們，包括本人所在的部門(mén)，許許多多擔(dān)任公職的人都是敬畏上帝、甘于奉獻(xiàn)、品格高貴的人。我們需要你們的幫助，以使我們得以銘記那些將我們第一次帶入政治舞臺(tái)的理念與原則。這些理念與原則的基礎(chǔ)是對(duì)自由和個(gè)人權(quán)利的信守，而這種信守本身又是建立在深刻的體察上。即只有在熱切探求和謙卑地領(lǐng)受上帝祝福的地方，自由才會(huì)繁榮興旺。

美國(guó)人對(duì)于民主的試驗(yàn)是基于對(duì)上帝虔誠(chéng)基礎(chǔ)之上的。它的發(fā)現(xiàn)是國(guó)父?jìng)兊膫ゴ髣倮?，威?middot;佩恩說(shuō)：“如果我們不愿受治于上帝，我們必受治于暴君。”在詮釋不可剝奪的人權(quán)時(shí)，杰弗遜說(shuō)：“上天在賜予我們生命的同時(shí)也賜予了我們自由。”華盛頓說(shuō)：“在導(dǎo)致政治昌盛的各種意向和習(xí)慣中，宗教和道德是必不可少的支柱。”

最后，當(dāng)探究美國(guó)何以如此偉大和富有創(chuàng)造力的秘密時(shí)，托克維爾這位對(duì)于美國(guó)民主最為敏銳的觀察家雄辯地指出：“當(dāng)我走進(jìn)美國(guó)的教堂，聽(tīng)到閃耀著公義之火的布道時(shí)，我才真正明白美國(guó)何以如此偉大和天賦非凡。美國(guó)人是虔信上帝的。而一旦美國(guó)不再虔誠(chéng)，也將不再偉大。”

今天能與你們這些通過(guò)保持美國(guó)人的虔誠(chéng)而使美國(guó)繼續(xù)偉大的人士相聚，我感到非常愉快。只有通過(guò)你們和其他成千上萬(wàn)人的工作和祈禱，才能使我們?cè)谶@個(gè)危機(jī)四伏的世紀(jì)有望幸存下來(lái)，并使自由這一人類最美好的希望生機(jī)勃勃。

我希望你們知道，我們的行政部門(mén)是由一種政治哲學(xué)推動(dòng)的，這一政治哲學(xué)在你們、你們的家庭、教會(huì)、鄰里和社區(qū)中間發(fā)現(xiàn)了美國(guó)的偉大：即各種制度均致力于鼓勵(lì)和培植諸如關(guān)心他人和尊重上帝之下法治之類的價(jià)值觀。

現(xiàn)在，你們想必與我一樣清楚，正是這些價(jià)值觀使我們與流行于當(dāng)下許多人中間的態(tài)度大相徑庭，或與他們格格不入。他們奉行一種現(xiàn)代化的世俗主義，將我們的文明賴以立基的價(jià)值觀視如糞土，盡管這些價(jià)值觀堅(jiān)實(shí)可靠并經(jīng)過(guò)時(shí)間的檢驗(yàn)。不管他們出于何種善意，他們的價(jià)值體系與大多數(shù)美國(guó)人所持的立場(chǎng)截然不同。雖然他們宣稱，他們正使我們從對(duì)過(guò)去的迷信中解放出來(lái)，但他們從事的工作卻是借助政府的統(tǒng)治和威權(quán)來(lái)監(jiān)控我們。有時(shí)候他們的嗓門(mén)似乎比我們大，但他們從未贏得多數(shù)。

那種調(diào)門(mén)拔高的例子，在最近華盛頓的一場(chǎng)爭(zhēng)論中顯而易見(jiàn)。自從我卷入這場(chǎng)爭(zhēng)論以來(lái)，我就期待著能聽(tīng)到美國(guó)年輕人父母?jìng)兊南敕āＫ麄兙烤乖敢庀蛘平欢嗌偎麄冏鳛槿酥改傅奶貦?quán)?

讓我盡可能簡(jiǎn)明扼要地說(shuō)一下這個(gè)事例。一個(gè)動(dòng)機(jī)純正、對(duì)于日益增加的少年非法生育和墮胎現(xiàn)象深感關(guān)切的公民團(tuán)體，不久前成立了一個(gè)全國(guó)性的醫(yī)療診所網(wǎng)絡(luò)，向那些不到法定年齡的女孩子們提供幫助，并希望能減輕她們所面臨的困境。我要說(shuō)，我并不對(duì)他們的意圖吹毛求疵。然而，在這項(xiàng)意愿良好的努力中，這些診所居然決定在未征求她們父母意見(jiàn)的情況下，向這些女孩子提供節(jié)育建議、藥物和方法。

幾年來(lái)，聯(lián)邦政府一直向這些診所提供資助。在提供資助時(shí)，國(guó)會(huì)要求采取一切措施以使父母的參與最大化。然而，醫(yī)生在開(kāi)藥或教授方法時(shí)，事先并沒(méi)有征得父母的同意，事后也沒(méi)有向他們說(shuō)明。他們就是這樣幫助那些被稱為“性活躍”而不是“亂交”的女孩子們防止非法生育或墮胎的。

是的，我們已經(jīng)責(zé)令那些接受聯(lián)邦撥款的診所必須要向父母?jìng)兺▓?bào)他們所提供的幫助。而一份全國(guó)性的大報(bào)卻在編者按中杜撰了一個(gè)“告密規(guī)則”來(lái)對(duì)我們進(jìn)行指控，批評(píng)我們侵犯了年輕人的“隱私權(quán)”。一位法官最近發(fā)布了一項(xiàng)禁令，阻止我們實(shí)施這項(xiàng)措施。我看過(guò)有關(guān)這個(gè)話題的電視討論，專欄作家們?cè)诶锩嬉槐菊?jīng)地譴責(zé)我們的“錯(cuò)誤”，但似乎沒(méi)人提及在性問(wèn)題上的道德成分。

難道猶太基督教傳統(tǒng)全都錯(cuò)了嗎?難道我們必須相信那些如此神圣的東西只與肉體相關(guān)而不會(huì)造成感情和心理上的傷害嗎?父母?jìng)冸y道沒(méi)有權(quán)利向他們的子女提出忠告和建議，以避免他們犯下有可能貽恨終生的大錯(cuò)嗎?

我們政府中的許多人都想知道父母?jìng)冊(cè)诩依锸侨绾嗡伎歼@一由政府造成的局面的。我們會(huì)在法庭抗?fàn)幭氯?。父母的?quán)利以及家庭的權(quán)利優(yōu)先于那些以華盛頓為基地的官僚們和社會(huì)工程師們的權(quán)利。

但是，反對(duì)告知父母僅是企圖淡化傳統(tǒng)價(jià)值觀，甚至廢除美國(guó)民主根本原則的眾多事例中的一例而已。自由的繁榮有賴于宗教的興旺以及人們對(duì)上帝之下法治的尊重。當(dāng)國(guó)父?jìng)兺ㄟ^(guò)第一修正案時(shí)，他們是在謀求使教會(huì)免于政府的干預(yù)。他們從未打算在政府和宗教信仰之間樹(shù)起一道敵視之墻。

我們的歷史和政府中處處都有關(guān)于此一事實(shí)的證據(jù)。獨(dú)立宣言中提到上帝的次數(shù)不少于四次。“我們信仰上帝”這句話就鐫刻在我們的錢(qián)幣上。最高法院以宗教祈禱來(lái)啟動(dòng)它的司法程序，國(guó)會(huì)議員們以祈禱來(lái)揭開(kāi)會(huì)議的序幕，而我也碰巧相信美國(guó)的學(xué)童們享有與最高法院大法官和國(guó)會(huì)議員們同樣的特權(quán)。

去年，我向國(guó)會(huì)遞交了一個(gè)憲法修正案，要求恢復(fù)公立學(xué)校的祈禱活動(dòng)。而在這屆國(guó)會(huì)開(kāi)會(huì)期間，兩黨中有越來(lái)越多的人支持這項(xiàng)修正案，我呼吁國(guó)會(huì)盡快通過(guò)該案，以使我們的孩子們能夠祈禱。

也許你們中的一些人看過(guò)最近發(fā)生的盧伯克學(xué)校案，在此案中，一個(gè)法官宣布，學(xué)校給予有宗教信仰的學(xué)生和無(wú)宗教信仰的學(xué)生同等待遇其實(shí)是不合憲的，即使聚會(huì)是在學(xué)生課余時(shí)間進(jìn)行也是如此。第一修正案從未打算要求政府歧視宗教演講。

丹頓和哈特菲爾德參議員已經(jīng)在國(guó)會(huì)提交了一項(xiàng)法案，禁止對(duì)宗教性的學(xué)生演講形式予以歧視。這項(xiàng)立法將足以恢復(fù)公立學(xué)校學(xué)生在宗教方面的言論自由。我希望國(guó)會(huì)能夠迅速地考慮這些議案?？恐銈兊膸椭?，我想我們很有可能在今年就獲得這一憲法修正案。

十年前，最高法院的一項(xiàng)決定逐一抹去了五十個(gè)州關(guān)于保護(hù)胎兒權(quán)利的法規(guī)條款。有求必應(yīng)式的墮胎每年至少要奪去150萬(wàn)胎兒的生命。終結(jié)這一悲劇的人類生命法案遲早有一天要在國(guó)會(huì)通過(guò)，不達(dá)目的我們決不罷休。除非有證據(jù)證明胎兒不是一個(gè)生命體，否則它的生命權(quán)、它的自由和它追求幸福的權(quán)利就必須得到保護(hù)。

你們可能還記得，當(dāng)有求必應(yīng)的墮胎剛開(kāi)始時(shí)，許多人(這其中也包括你們中的許多人)都警告說(shuō)，這一措施會(huì)使人們不再尊重生命，而被用于使墮胎合法化的哲學(xué)前提最終也會(huì)被用來(lái)為諸如殺嬰或安樂(lè)死等其他蔑視生命神圣的行為做辯護(hù)。不幸的是，這些警告一一驗(yàn)證了。去年就有一家法院允許餓死一名殘疾兒童。

我已經(jīng)指示衛(wèi)生及公共事務(wù)部向每一家美國(guó)衛(wèi)生保健機(jī)構(gòu)講清楚，1973年通過(guò)的康復(fù)法案保護(hù)所有的殘疾人，反對(duì)任何基于殘疾而產(chǎn)生的歧視，包括兒童。我們還采取了進(jìn)一步的措施，要求每一個(gè)接受聯(lián)邦撥款的嬰幼兒保健機(jī)構(gòu)必須在顯眼位置始終張貼布告：“基于歧視原因未對(duì)殘疾嬰幼兒進(jìn)行喂食和照顧的行為均為聯(lián)邦法律所禁止。”機(jī)構(gòu)還必須列出一個(gè)二十四小時(shí)的免費(fèi)電話號(hào)碼，使護(hù)士及其他人能及時(shí)報(bào)告侵害事件，以拯救嬰兒的生命。

另外，最近由伊利諾斯州的眾議員亨利·海德提交的立法，不僅增加了對(duì)墮胎公款報(bào)銷的限制，而且還關(guān)注殺嬰問(wèn)題。我敦促國(guó)會(huì)舉行聽(tīng)證會(huì)并通過(guò)該法案，以保護(hù)所有孩子們的生命權(quán)，包括那些殘疾兒童的生命權(quán)。

現(xiàn)在，我肯定你們有時(shí)會(huì)感到灰心喪氣，但也許你們所做的比你們所知的還要好。美國(guó)正經(jīng)歷一次精神上的覺(jué)醒，那為美國(guó)的虔誠(chéng)和偉大奠基的傳統(tǒng)價(jià)值觀正在復(fù)興。

一個(gè)設(shè)在華盛頓的研究理事會(huì)最近做了一個(gè)調(diào)查，得出的結(jié)果是美國(guó)人要比其他國(guó)家的人民虔誠(chéng)得多。95%的被調(diào)查者表示信仰上帝，絕大多數(shù)人相信十誡在他們的生活中具有現(xiàn)實(shí)意義。另一個(gè)研究發(fā)現(xiàn)，壓倒性多數(shù)的美國(guó)人不贊成通奸、少年性交、色情描寫(xiě)、墮胎和毒品。這些如出一轍的研究表明，人們深切尊重家庭紐帶和宗教信仰的重要性。

我想我們今天討論的課題一定會(huì)在國(guó)家的政治日程中發(fā)揮關(guān)鍵作用。這是國(guó)會(huì)首次就祈禱和墮胎問(wèn)題進(jìn)行公開(kāi)而認(rèn)真的辯論，這本身就是一項(xiàng)巨大的進(jìn)步。我重申美國(guó)正處在精神覺(jué)醒和道德復(fù)興之中。今天我要用《圣經(jīng)》中的話說(shuō)：“唯愿公平如江河滔滔，使公義如溪水潺潺。”

很明顯我所談及的這種嶄新的政治和社會(huì)共識(shí)中的大部分，立基于對(duì)美國(guó)歷史的正面評(píng)價(jià)上，它以我們國(guó)家的歷史成就為榮。但我們必須永遠(yuǎn)不要忘記，沒(méi)有哪個(gè)政府計(jì)劃會(huì)導(dǎo)致人的完美。

我們知道生活在這世界上就意味著要與哲學(xué)家所謂的邪惡或神學(xué)家所稱的罪惡做斗爭(zhēng)。世界上存在著罪惡與邪惡，而圣經(jīng)和主耶穌呼召我們用一己之力去與之抗?fàn)?。我們?guó)家同樣也擁有一份必須予以抵制的邪惡流毒。這片土地的榮耀之處就在于它有能力超越我們?cè)羞^(guò)的道德罪惡。例如，少數(shù)族裔的公民為著爭(zhēng)取平等權(quán)利而展開(kāi)的長(zhǎng)期抗?fàn)幰欢纫l(fā)了分裂與內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，而現(xiàn)在卻成為全體美國(guó)人為之自豪的一個(gè)亮點(diǎn)。我們決不會(huì)回到過(guò)去。在這個(gè)國(guó)家我們不會(huì)容忍種族主義、反猶太主義或其他各種形式的民族及種族仇恨。

我知道你們一直和我一樣，對(duì)于一些散布固執(zhí)偏見(jiàn)的討厭團(tuán)伙的復(fù)活而憂心忡忡。請(qǐng)用你們洪亮的布道和堅(jiān)定的立場(chǎng)抨擊我們中間這些令人憎惡的團(tuán)伙。上帝賜予我們的誡命清晰而直率：“要愛(ài)鄰人如己。”

無(wú)論我們?cè)?jīng)有過(guò)什么樣的不幸插曲，任何客觀的觀察家都會(huì)對(duì)美國(guó)的歷史持積極的看法。我們的歷史就是希望得以實(shí)現(xiàn)，夢(mèng)想得以成真的動(dòng)人故事。特別是在本世紀(jì)，美國(guó)使自由的火炬經(jīng)久不息，不僅是為了我們自己，還為了全世界成千上萬(wàn)的人民。

由此我將談及今天的最后一個(gè)話題。在我作為總統(tǒng)舉行的第一次記者招待會(huì)上，在回答一個(gè)直率的問(wèn)題時(shí)，我曾指出，蘇聯(lián)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人是不錯(cuò)的馬列主義者，他們開(kāi)誠(chéng)布公地宣稱，他們所承認(rèn)的唯一道德就是推動(dòng)他們的事業(yè)，就是世界革命。我想我應(yīng)該指出，這里我只引用了他們的精神導(dǎo)師列寧的話，他在1920年曾說(shuō)，他們摒棄一切源于超自然觀念的道德——那是他們給宗教下的定義——或與階級(jí)學(xué)說(shuō)無(wú)關(guān)的觀念。道德完全服務(wù)于階級(jí)斗爭(zhēng)的需要。一種東西是否道德，取決于它是否為消滅舊的、剝削性的社會(huì)秩序和統(tǒng)一無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)的事業(yè)所必需。

我想許多有影響的人士拒絕接受蘇聯(lián)教條的這一基本觀點(diǎn)，體現(xiàn)了對(duì)于極權(quán)主義本質(zhì)的歷史性抗拒。我們?cè)?0世紀(jì)30年代就目睹了這種抗拒。今天我們依然到處可見(jiàn)這種抗拒。

但這不意味著我們應(yīng)該自我孤立并且拒絕尋求與他們的諒解。我打算盡一切努力去使他們相信我們的和平意愿，我要提醒他們，是西方在20世紀(jì)40年代和50年代拒絕利用其在核技術(shù)方面的壟斷地位以擴(kuò)張領(lǐng)土，同樣是西方在今天提議削減50%的戰(zhàn)略彈道導(dǎo)彈，以及銷毀全部的陸基中程核導(dǎo)彈。

但是同時(shí)，他們也必須明白，我們永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)拿我們的原則和準(zhǔn)則討價(jià)還價(jià)。我們永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)出讓我們的自由。我們永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)背棄對(duì)上帝的信仰。我們也永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)停止謀求一種真正的和平。但我們不能保證美國(guó)所支持的這些東西能夠通過(guò)某些人士提出的所謂核凍結(jié)方案得到維護(hù)。

真實(shí)情況卻是，現(xiàn)在的凍結(jié)將會(huì)成為一種非常危險(xiǎn)的欺詐，因?yàn)樗鼉H僅是和平的幻象。實(shí)際上我們必須通過(guò)實(shí)力來(lái)尋求和平。

只有當(dāng)我們能夠凍結(jié)蘇聯(lián)的全球野心時(shí)，我才會(huì)同意某種凍結(jié)。在當(dāng)前水準(zhǔn)下的武器凍結(jié)將使蘇聯(lián)在日內(nèi)瓦與我們進(jìn)行認(rèn)真談判的動(dòng)機(jī)不復(fù)存在，事實(shí)上它會(huì)斷送我們提出的削減主要軍備的機(jī)會(huì)，更有甚者他們會(huì)通過(guò)凍結(jié)來(lái)達(dá)成他們的目的。

一次凍結(jié)給予蘇聯(lián)的獎(jiǎng)賞就是龐大而且無(wú)與倫比的軍事積累。而美國(guó)及盟國(guó)的國(guó)防現(xiàn)代化卻會(huì)受到阻止，從而使我們?nèi)遮吚匣能娛铝α咳醪唤L(fēng)。一種誠(chéng)實(shí)的凍結(jié)會(huì)就限制的系統(tǒng)和數(shù)量、確保有效性核查和執(zhí)行的措施等問(wèn)題進(jìn)行廣泛的先行談判。而現(xiàn)在提出的凍結(jié)實(shí)際上不可能進(jìn)行核查。這樣一種努力會(huì)使我們完全偏離目前正在進(jìn)行的，達(dá)成實(shí)質(zhì)性削減的談判。

幾年前，我在加利福尼亞州一個(gè)人數(shù)眾多的集會(huì)上聽(tīng)到一位年輕人的演講。他是位年輕的父親并且在娛樂(lè)圈名聲大噪。在冷戰(zhàn)期間，共產(chǎn)主義和我們自己的生活方式成為許多人縈繞心頭的一個(gè)問(wèn)題。當(dāng)時(shí)他所談的就是這個(gè)題目。突然，我聽(tīng)到他說(shuō)：“我愛(ài)我的女兒們勝過(guò)一切。”我自言自語(yǔ)道：“哦，別那么說(shuō)。你不能那么說(shuō)，別說(shuō)那個(gè)。”但是我低估了他。他接著說(shuō)道：“但我寧可看到我的孩子們現(xiàn)在懷著對(duì)上帝的信念闔然長(zhǎng)逝，也不愿她們?cè)诠伯a(chǎn)主義的陰影下成長(zhǎng)，并且有朝一日帶著對(duì)上帝無(wú)所信仰的心態(tài)死去。”

聽(tīng)眾當(dāng)中有上千名年輕人，他們站起身來(lái)歡呼雀躍。他們立即就明白了那位父親的話中所包含的深刻真理，即物質(zhì)與精神何者是真正重要的。

讓我們?yōu)樗心切┥钣跇O權(quán)主義黑幕中的人祈禱。祝愿他們發(fā)現(xiàn)認(rèn)識(shí)上帝的喜樂(lè)。但是在他們認(rèn)識(shí)上帝之前，我們必須警覺(jué)，只要他們繼續(xù)鼓吹國(guó)家的至高無(wú)上，宣揚(yáng)國(guó)家對(duì)于個(gè)體的萬(wàn)能，并預(yù)言它將最終統(tǒng)治全人類，他們就是現(xiàn)代世界的邪惡中心。

劉易斯在他令人難忘的《地獄來(lái)鴻》中寫(xiě)道：“當(dāng)今最大的邪惡，并非是在狄更斯所熱衷描繪的骯臟的罪惡之窟中炮制出來(lái)的，它甚至不是在集中營(yíng)和勞改營(yíng)犯下的，那些地方只是邪惡發(fā)作的最終結(jié)果。當(dāng)今最大的邪惡是在整潔豪華、溫暖明亮的辦公室里構(gòu)思和安排的;是由那些衣著光鮮、言談斯文的人鼓動(dòng)、支持、散布和記錄的。

結(jié)果，由于這些人言談斯文，由于他們有時(shí)流利自如地暢談手足之情與和平，由于他們能像某些以前的獨(dú)裁者一樣總是在“最后才提出領(lǐng)土要求”，一些人就會(huì)要求我們相信他們的表白并且順從他們的非份之想。但是，如果歷史教會(huì)了我們，對(duì)對(duì)手一味妥協(xié)或一廂情愿實(shí)屬愚不可及。它意味著背叛我們的過(guò)去，虛擲我們的自由。

因此，我敦促你們大聲反對(duì)那些將美國(guó)置于軍事和道德劣等地位的人士。我一直相信你們這些教會(huì)人士才是魯益師書(shū)中那個(gè)老魔鬼的眼中釘。因此，在你們討論核凍結(jié)提議時(shí)，我要提醒你們謹(jǐn)防傲慢的誘惑，那是一種洋洋自得地宣稱自己凌駕于一切之上，并對(duì)雙方各打五十大板的誘惑。它無(wú)視一個(gè)邪惡帝國(guó)的歷史和勃勃野心，徑自宣布軍備競(jìng)賽不過(guò)是一場(chǎng)巨大的誤會(huì)，由此而使自己游離于對(duì)與錯(cuò)、善與惡之外。

本屆政府在盡力使美國(guó)保持強(qiáng)大和自由。當(dāng)我們正在為真正和切實(shí)地削減核武庫(kù)，并在上帝的幫助下最終徹底消滅核武器而進(jìn)行談判時(shí)，有些人會(huì)使你們撤回對(duì)我們努力的支持，我請(qǐng)求你們抵制這種誘惑。

雖然美國(guó)的軍事實(shí)力是重要的，但我在這里要補(bǔ)充一點(diǎn)：我始終確信，當(dāng)前為世界而進(jìn)行的抗?fàn)帍膩?lái)不取決于炸彈或火箭，也不取決于軍隊(duì)或軍事力量。我們今天所面臨的真正危機(jī)是精神上的，從根本上說(shuō)，是對(duì)道德意志和信仰的檢驗(yàn)。

惠特克·錢(qián)伯斯，這位希斯·錢(qián)伯斯間諜案中的主角，以其自身的變節(jié)，見(jiàn)證了我們時(shí)代可怕創(chuàng)傷的人曾寫(xiě)道：“某種程度上，西方世界的危機(jī)在于人們對(duì)上帝的漠視，從而配合了共產(chǎn)主義將人與神疏離開(kāi)來(lái)的嘗試。”他又說(shuō)道：“馬列主義實(shí)際上是人類第二種最為古老的信仰，第一種信仰則是伊甸園中的誘惑之音：‘你們會(huì)像神一樣。’”

西方世界能夠回應(yīng)這種挑戰(zhàn)，他寫(xiě)道：“但這只有假定西方對(duì)上帝及天賦自由的信念與共產(chǎn)主義對(duì)人的信念一樣偉大才行。”

我相信我們能夠迎接這種挑戰(zhàn)。我相信共產(chǎn)主義是人類歷史上一個(gè)悲慘而詭異的篇章，即使這一章已經(jīng)臨近終結(jié)。我相信這是因?yàn)槲覀兲角笞杂傻牧α吭慈皇俏镔|(zhì)上的，而是精神上的。而且由于它是無(wú)盡的，所以必然對(duì)那些奴役同類的人形成威懾，并最終戰(zhàn)勝他們。因?yàn)橐再悂啎?shū)中寫(xiě)道：“疲乏的，他賜予氣力;無(wú)力的，他給予力量。但那些仰望主的人，必重新獲得力量;他們必像鷹一樣展翅上騰;他們奔跑，決不疲倦。”

改變你們的世界。我們的國(guó)父之一潘恩曾說(shuō)：“我們擁有重塑世界的內(nèi)在力量。”我們能做到這一點(diǎn)，讓我們同心協(xié)力來(lái)完成這項(xiàng)僅憑一己之力無(wú)法完成的事業(yè)。

愿上帝保佑你們，謝謝大家。