【奧巴馬】2011國情咨文——2011年1月25日美國眾議院

2011國情咨文——2011年1月25日美國眾議院

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Tonight I want to begin by congratulating the men and women of the 112th Congress, as well as your new Speaker, John Boehner. And as we mark this occasion, we are also mindful of the empty chair in this Chamber, and pray for the health of our colleague—and our friend—Gabby Giffords.

It’s no secret that those of us here tonight have had our differences over the last two years. The debates have been contentious; we have fought fiercely for our beliefs. And that’s a good thing. That’s what a robust democracy demands. That’s what helps set us apart as a nation.

But there’s a reason the tragedy in Tucson gave us pause. Amid all the noise and passions and rancor of our public debate, Tucson reminded us that no matter who we are or where we come from, each of us is a part of something greater—something more consequential than party or political preference.

We are part of the American family. We believe that in a country where every race and faith and point of view can be found, we are still bound together as one people; that we share common hopes and a common creed; that the dreams of a little girl in Tucson are not so different than those of our own children, and that they all deserve the chance to be fulfilled. That, too, is what sets us apart as a nation.

Now, by itself, this simple recognition won’t usher in a new era of cooperation. What comes of this moment is up to us. What comes of this moment will be determined not by whether we can sit together tonight, but whether we can work together tomorrow. I believe we can. I believe we must. That’s what the people who sent us here expect of us. With their votes, they’ve determined that governing will now be a shared responsibility between parties. New laws will only pass with support from Democrats and Republicans. We will move forward together, or not at all—for the challenges we face are bigger than party, and bigger than politics.

At stake right now is not who wins the next election—after all, we just had an election. At stake is whether new jobs and industries take root in this country, or somewhere else. It’s whether the hard work and industry of our people is rewarded. It’s whether we sustain the leadership that has made America not just a place on a map, but a light to the world.

We are poised for progress. Two years after the worst recession most of us have ever known, the stock market has come roaring back. Corporate profits are up. The economy is growing again. But we have never measured progress by these yardsticks alone. We measure progress by the success of our people. By the jobs they can find and the quality of life those jobs offer. By the prospects of a small business owner who dreams of turning a good idea into a thriving enterprise. By the opportunities for a better life that we pass on to our children. That’s the project the American people want us to work on. Together.

We did that in December. Thanks to the tax cuts we passed, Americans’ paychecks are a little bigger today. Every business can write off the full cost of the new investments they make this year. These steps, taken by Democrats and Republicans, will grow the economy and add to the more than one million private sector jobs created last year. But we have more work to do. The steps we’ve taken over the last two years may have broken the back of this recession—but to win the future, we’ll need to take on challenges that have been decades in the making.

Many people watching tonight can probably remember a time when finding a good job meant showing up at a nearby factory or a business downtown. You didn’t always need a degree, and your competition was pretty much limited to your neighbors. If you worked hard, chances are you’d have a job for life, with a decent paycheck, good benefits, and the occasional promotion. Maybe you’d even have the pride of seeing your kids work at the same company.

That world has changed. And for many, the change has been painful. I’ve seen it in the shuttered windows of once booming factories, and the vacant storefronts of once busy Main Streets. I’ve heard it in the frustrations of Americans who’ve seen their paychecks dwindle or their jobs disappear—proud men and women who feel like the rules have been changed in the middle of the game. They’re right. The rules have changed. In a single generation, revolutions in technology have transformed the way we live, work and do business. Steel mills that once needed 1,000 workers can now do the same work with 100. Today, just about any company can set up shop, hire workers, and sell their products wherever there’s an internet connection.

Meanwhile, nations like China and India realized that with some changes of their own, they could compete in this new world. And so they started educating their children earlier and longer, with greater emphasis on math and science. They’re investing in research and new technologies. Just recently, China became home to the world’s largest private solar research facility, and the world’s fastest computer.

So yes, the world has changed. The competition for jobs is real. But this shouldn’t discourage us. It should challenge us. Remember—for all the hits we’ve taken these last few years, for all the naysayers predicting our decline, America still has the largest, most prosperous economy in the world. No workers are more productive than ours. No country has more successful companies, or grants more patents to inventors and entrepreneurs. We are home to the world’s best colleges and universities, where more students come to study than any other place on Earth.

What’s more, we are the first nation to be founded for the sake of an idea—the idea that each of us deserves the chance to shape our own destiny. That is why centuries of pioneers and immigrants have risked everything to come here. It’s why our students don’t just memorize equations, but answer questions like “What do you think of that idea? What would you change about the world? What do you want to be when you grow up?”

The future is ours to win. But to get there, we can’t just stand still. As Robert Kennedy told us, “The future is not a gift. It is an achievement.” Sustaining the American Dream has never been about standing pat. It has required each generation to sacrifice, and struggle, and meet the demands of a new age. Now it’s our turn. We know what it takes to compete for the jobs and industries of our time. We need to out-innovate, out-educate, and out-build the rest of the world. We have to make America the best place on Earth to do business. We need to take responsibility for our deficit, and reform our government. That’s how our people will prosper. That’s how we’ll win the future. And tonight, I’d like to talk about how we get there.

The first step in winning the future is encouraging American innovation.

None of us can predict with certainty what the next big industry will be, or where the new jobs will come from. Thirty years ago, we couldn’t know that something called the Internet would lead to an economic revolution. What we can do—what America does better than anyone—is spark the creativity and imagination of our people. We are the nation that put cars in driveways and computers in offices; the nation of Edison and the Wright brothers; of Google and Facebook. In America, innovation doesn’t just change our lives. It’s how we make a living. Our free enterprise system is what drives innovation. But because it’s not always profitable for companies to invest in basic research, throughout history our government has provided cutting-edge scientists and inventors with the support that they need. That’s what planted the seeds for the Internet. That’s what helped make possible things like computer chips and GPS. Just think of all the good jobs —from manufacturing to retail—that have come from those breakthroughs.

Half a century ago, when the Soviets beat us into space with the launch of a satellite called Sputnik? We had no idea how we’d beat them to the moon. The science wasn’t there yet. NASA didn’t even exist. But after investing in better research and education, we didn’t just surpass the Soviets; we unleashed a wave of innovation that created new industries and millions of new jobs.

This is our generation’s Sputnik moment. Two years ago, I said that we needed to reach a level of research and development we haven’t seen since the height of the Space Race. In a few weeks, I will be sending a budget to Congress that helps us meet that goal. We’ll invest in biomedical research, information technology, and especially clean energy technology—an investment that will strengthen our security, protect our planet, and create countless new jobs for our people.

Already, we are seeing the promise of renewable energy. Robert and Gary Allen are brothers who run a small Michigan roofing company. After September 11th, they volunteered their best roofers to help repair the Pentagon. But half of their factory went unused, and the recession hit them hard. Today, with the help of a government loan, that empty space is being used to manufacture solar shingles that are being sold all across the country. In Robert’s words, “We reinvented ourselves.”

That’s what Americans have done for over two hundred years: reinvented ourselves. And to spur on more success stories like the Allen Brothers, we’ve begun to reinvent our energy policy. We’re not just handing out money. We’re issuing a challenge. We’re telling America’s scientists and engineers that if they assemble teams of the best minds in their fields, and focus on the hardest problems in clean energy, we’ll fund the Apollo Projects of our time.

At the California Institute of Technology, they’re developing a way to turn sunlight and water into fuel for our cars. At Oak Ridge National Laboratory, they’re using supercomputers to get a lot more power out of our nuclear facilities. With more research and incentives, we can break our dependence on oil with biofuels, and become the first country to have 1 million electric vehicles on the road by 2015.

We need to get behind this innovation. And to help pay for it, I’m asking Congress to eliminate the billions in taxpayer dollars we currently give to oil companies. I don’t know if you’ve noticed, but they’re doing just fine on their own. So instead of subsidizing yesterday’s energy, let’s invest in tomorrow’s.

Now, clean energy breakthroughs will only translate into clean energy jobs if businesses know there will be a market for what they’re selling. So tonight, I challenge you to join me in setting a new goal: by 2035, 80% of America’s electricity will come from clean energy sources. Some folks want wind and solar. Others want nuclear, clean coal, and natural gas. To meet this goal, we will need them all—and I urge Democrats and Republicans to work together to make it happen.

Maintaining our leadership in research and technology is crucial to America’s success. But if we want to win the future—if we want innovation to produce jobs in America and not overseas—then we also have to win the race to educate our kids. Think about it. Over the next ten years, nearly half of all new jobs will require education that goes beyond a high school degree. And yet, as many as a quarter of our students aren’t even finishing high school. The quality of our math and science education lags behind many other nations. America has fallen to 9th in the proportion of young people with a college degree. And so the question is whether all of us—as citizens, and as parents—are willing to do what’s necessary to give every child a chance to succeed.

That responsibility begins not in our classrooms, but in our homes and communities. It’s family that first instills the love of learning in a child. Only parents can make sure the TV is turned off and homework gets done. We need to teach our kids that it’s not just the winner of the Super Bowl who deserves to be celebrated, but the winner of the science fair; that success is not a function of fame or PR, but of hard work and discipline.

Our schools share this responsibility. When a child walks into a classroom, it should be a place of high expectations and high performance. But too many schools don’t meet this test. That’s why instead of just pouring money into a system that’s not working; we launched a competition called Race to the Top. To all fifty states, we said, “If you show us the most innovative plans to improve teacher quality and student achievement, we’ll show you the money.” Race to the Top is the most meaningful reform of our public schools in a generation. For less than one percent of what we spend on education each year, it has led over 40 states to raise their standards for teaching and learning. These standards were developed, not by Washington, but by Republican and Democratic governors throughout the country. And Race to the Top should be the approach we follow this year as we replace No Child Left Behind with a law that is more flexible and focused on what’s best for our kids.

You see, we know what’s possible for our children when reform isn’t just a top-down mandate, but the work of local teachers and principals; school boards and communities. Take a school like Bruce Randolph in Denver. Three years ago, it was rated one of the worst schools in Colorado; located on turf between two rival gangs. But last May, 97% of the seniors received their diploma. Most will be the first in their family to go to college. And after the first year of the school’s transformation, the principal who made it possible wiped away tears when a student said “Thank you, Mrs. Waters, for showing that we are smart and we can make it.”

Let’s also remember that after parents, the biggest impact on a child’s success comes from the man or woman at the front of the classroom. In South Korea, teachers are known as “nation builders.” Here in America, it’s time we treated the people who educate our children with the same level of respect. We want to reward good teachers and stop making excuses for bad ones. And over the next ten years, with so many Baby Boomers retiring from our classrooms, we want to prepare 100,000 new teachers in the fields of science, technology, engineering, and math. In fact, to every young person listening tonight who’s contemplating their career choice: If you want to make a difference in the life of our nation; if you want to make a difference in the life of a child—become a teacher. Your country needs you.

Of course, the education race doesn’t end with a high school diploma. To compete, higher education must be within reach of every American. That’s why we’ve ended the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that went to banks, and used the savings to make college affordable for millions of students. And this year, I ask Congress to go further, and make permanent our tuition tax credit—worth $10,000 for four years of college.

Because people need to be able to train for new jobs and careers in today’s fast-changing economy, we are also revitalizing America’s community colleges. Last month, I saw the promise of these schools at Forsyth Tech in North Carolina. Many of the students there used to work in the surrounding factories that have since left town. One mother of two, a woman named Kathy Proctor, had worked in the furniture industry since she was 18 years old. And she told me she’s earning her degree in biotechnology now, at 55 years old, not just because the furniture jobs are gone, but because she wants to inspire her children to pursue their dreams too. As Kathy said, “I hope it tells them to never give up.”

If we take these steps—if we raise expectations for every child, and give them the best possible chance at an education, from the day they’re born until the last job they take—we will reach the goal I set two years ago: by the end of the decade, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world.

One last point about education. Today, there are hundreds of thousands of students excelling in our schools who are not American citizens. Some are the children of undocumented workers, who had nothing to do with the actions of their parents. They grew up as Americans and pledge allegiance to our flag, and yet live every day with the threat of deportation. Others come here from abroad to study in our colleges and universities. But as soon as they obtain advanced degrees, we send them back home to compete against us. It makes no sense. Now, I strongly believe that we should take on, once and for all, the issue of illegal immigration. I am prepared to work with Republicans and Democrats to protect our borders, enforce our laws and address the millions of undocumented workers who are now living in the shadows. I know that debate will be difficult and take time. But tonight, let’s agree to make that effort. And let’s stop expelling talented, responsible young people who can staff our research labs, start new businesses, and further enrich this nation.

The third step in winning the future is rebuilding America. To attract new businesses to our shores, we need the fastest, most reliable ways to move people, goods, and information—from high-speed rail to high-speed internet.

Our infrastructure used to be the best—but our lead has slipped. South Korean homes now have greater internet access than we do. Countries in Europe and Russia invest more in their roads and railways than we do. China is building faster trains and newer airports. Meanwhile, when our own engineers graded our nation’s infrastructure, they gave us a “D.”

We have to do better. America is the nation that built the transcontinental railroad, brought electricity to rural communities, and constructed the interstate highway system. The jobs created by these projects didn’t just come from laying down tracks or pavement. They came from businesses that opened near a town’s new train station or the new off-ramp.

Over the last two years, we have begun rebuilding for the 21st century, a project that has meant thousands of good jobs for the hard-hit construction industry. Tonight, I’m proposing that we redouble these efforts.

We will put more Americans to work repairing crumbling roads and bridges. We will make sure this is fully paid for, attract private investment, and pick projects based on what’s best for the economy, not politicians.

Within 25 years, our goal is to give 80% of Americans access to high-speed rail, which could allow you go places in half the time it takes to travel by car. For some trips, it will be faster than flying—without the pat-down. As we speak, routes in California and the Midwest are already underway.

Within the next five years, we will make it possible for business to deploy the next generation of high-speed wireless coverage to 98% of all Americans. This isn’t just about a faster internet and fewer dropped calls. It’s about connecting every part of America to the digital age. It’s about a rural community in Iowa or Alabama where farmers and small business owners will be able to sell their products all over the world. It’s about a firefighter who can download the design of a burning building onto a handheld device; a student who can take classes with a digital textbook; or a patient who can have face-to-face video chats with her doctor.

All these investments—in innovation, education, and infrastructure—will make America a better place to do business and create jobs. But to help our companies compete, we also have to knock down barriers that stand in the way of their success.

Over the years, a parade of lobbyists has rigged the tax code to benefit particular companies and industries. Those with accountants or lawyers to work the system can end up paying no taxes at all. But all the rest are hit with one of the highest corporate tax rates in the world. It makes no sense, and it has to change.

So tonight, I’m asking Democrats and Republicans to simplify the system. Get rid of the loopholes. Level the playing field. And use the savings to lower the corporate tax rate for the first time in 25 years—without adding to our deficit.

To help businesses sell more products abroad, we set a goal of doubling our exports by 2014—because the more we export, the more jobs we create at home. Already, our exports are up. Recently, we signed agreements with India and China that will support more than 250,000 jobs in the United States. And last month, we finalized a trade agreement with South Korea that will support at least 70,000 American jobs. This agreement has unprecedented support from business and labor; Democrats and Republicans, and I ask this Congress to pass it as soon as possible.

Before I took office, I made it clear that we would enforce our trade agreements, and that I would only sign deals that keep faith with American workers, and promote American jobs. That’s what we did with Korea, and that’s what I intend to do as we pursue agreements with Panama and Colombia, and continue our Asia Pacific and global trade talks.

To reduce barriers to growth and investment, I’ve ordered a review of government regulations. When we find rules that put an unnecessary burden on businesses, we will fix them. But I will not hesitate to create or enforce commonsense safeguards to protect the American people. That’s what we’ve done in this country for more than a century. It’s why our food is safe to eat, our water is safe to drink, and our air is safe to breathe. It’s why we have speed limits and child labor laws. It’s why last year, we put in place consumer protections against hidden fees and penalties by credit card companies, and new rules to prevent another financial crisis. And it’s why we passed reform that finally prevents the health insurance industry from exploiting patients.

Now, I’ve heard rumors that a few of you have some concerns about the new health care law. So let me be the first to say that anything can be improved. If you have ideas about how to improve this law by making care better or more affordable, I am eager to work with you. We can start right now by correcting a flaw in the legislation that has placed an unnecessary bookkeeping burden on small businesses. What I’m not willing to do is go back to the days when insurance companies could deny someone coverage because of a pre-existing condition. I’m not willing to tell James Howard, a brain cancer patient from Texas, that his treatment might not be covered. I’m not willing to tell Jim Houser, a small business owner from Oregon, that he has to go back to paying $5,000 more to cover his employees. As we speak, this law is making prescription drugs cheaper for seniors and giving uninsured students a chance to stay on their parents’ coverage. So instead of re-fighting the battles of the last two years, let’s fix what needs fixing and move forward.

Now, the final step—a critical step—in winning the future is to make sure we aren’t buried under a mountain of debt.

We are living with a legacy of deficit-spending that began almost a decade ago. And in the wake of the financial crisis, some of that was necessary to keep credit flowing, save jobs, and put money in people’s pockets. But now that the worst of the recession is over, we have to confront the fact that our government spends more than it takes in. That is not sustainable. Every day, families sacrifice to live within their means. They deserve a government that does the same. So tonight, I am proposing that starting this year, we freeze annual domestic spending for the next five years. This would reduce the deficit by more than $400 billion over the next decade, and will bring discretionary spending to the lowest share of our economy since Dwight Eisenhower was president.

This freeze will require painful cuts. Already, we have frozen the salaries of hardworking federal employees for the next two years. I’ve proposed cuts to things I care deeply about, like community action programs. The Secretary of Defense has also agreed to cut tens of billions of dollars in spending that he and his generals believe our military can do without. I recognize that some in this Chamber have already proposed deeper cuts, and I’m willing to eliminate whatever we can honestly afford to do without. But let’s make sure that we’re not doing it on the backs of our most vulnerable citizens. And let’s make sure what we’re cutting is really excess weight. Cutting the deficit by gutting our investments in innovation and education is like lightening an overloaded airplane by removing its engine. It may feel like you’re flying high at first, but it won’t take long before you’ll feel the impact.

Now, most of the cuts and savings I’ve proposed only address annual domestic spending, which represents a little more than 12% of our budget. To make further progress, we have to stop pretending that cutting this kind of spending alone will be enough. It won’t. The bipartisan Fiscal Commission I created last year made this crystal clear. I don’t agree with all their proposals, but they made important progress. And their conclusion is that the only way to tackle our deficit is to cut excessive spending wherever we find it—in domestic spending, defense spending, health care spending, and spending through tax breaks and loopholes.

This means further reducing health care costs, including programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which are the single biggest contributor to our long-term deficit. Health insurance reform will slow these rising costs, which is part of why nonpartisan economists have said that repealing the health care law would add a quarter of a trillion dollars to our deficit. Still, I’m willing to look at other ideas to bring down costs, including one that Republicans suggested last year: medical malpractice reform to rein in frivolous lawsuits.

To put us on solid ground, we should also find a bipartisan solution to strengthen Social Security for future generations. And we must do it without putting at risk current retirees, the most vulnerable, or people with disabilities; without slashing benefits for future generations; and without subjecting Americans’ guaranteed retirement income to the whims of the stock market.

And if we truly care about our deficit, we simply cannot afford a permanent extension of the tax cuts for the wealthiest 2% of Americans. Before we take money away from our schools, or scholarships away from our students, we should ask millionaires to give up their tax break. It’s not a matter of punishing their success. It’s about promoting America’s success.

In fact, the best thing we could do on taxes for all Americans is to simplify the individual tax code. This will be a tough job, but members of both parties have expressed interest in doing this, and I am prepared to join them.

So now is the time to act. Now is the time for both sides and both houses of Congress—Democrats and Republicans—to forge a principled compromise that gets the job done. If we make the hard choices now to rein in our deficits, we can make the investments we need to win the future. Let me take this one step further. We shouldn’t just give our people a government that’s more affordable. We should give them a government that’s more competent and efficient. We cannot win the future with a government of the past. We live and do business in the information age, but the last major reorganization of the government happened in the age of black and white TV. There are twelve different agencies that deal with exports. There are at least five different entities that deal with housing policy. Then there’s my favorite example: the Interior Department is in charge of salmon while they’re in fresh water, but the Commerce Department handles them in when they’re in saltwater. And I hear it gets even more complicated once they’re smoked.

Now, we have made great strides over the last two years in using technology and getting rid of waste. Veterans can now download their electronic medical records with a click of the mouse. We’re selling acres of federal office space that hasn’t been used in years, and we will cut through red tape to get rid of more. But we need to think bigger. In the coming months, my administration will develop a proposal to merge, consolidate, and reorganize the federal government in a way that best serves the goal of a more competitive America. I will submit that proposal to Congress for a vote—and we will push to get it passed.

In the coming year, we will also work to rebuild people’s faith in the institution of government. Because you deserve to know exactly how and where your tax dollars are being spent, you will be able to go to a website and get that information for the very first time in history. Because you deserve to know when your elected officials are meeting with lobbyists, I ask Congress to do what the White House has already done: put that information online. And because the American people deserve to know that special interests aren’t larding up legislation with pet projects, both parties in Congress should know this: if a bill comes to my desk with earmarks inside, I will veto it.

A 21st century government that’s open and competent. A government that lives within its means. An economy that’s driven by new skills and ideas. Our success in this new and changing world will require reform, responsibility, and innovation. It will also require us to approach that world with a new level of engagement in our foreign affairs.

Just as jobs and businesses can now race across borders, so can new threats and new challenges. No single wall separates East and West; no one rival superpower is aligned against us. And so we must defeat determined enemies wherever they are, and build coalitions that cut across lines of region and race and religion. America’s moral example must always shine for all who yearn for freedom, justice, and dignity. And because we have begun this work, tonight we can say that American leadership has been renewed and America’s standing has been restored.

Look to Iraq, where nearly 100,000 of our brave men and women have left with their heads held high; where American combat patrols have ended; violence has come down; and a new government has been formed. This year, our civilians will forge a lasting partnership with the Iraqi people, while we finish the job of bringing our troops out of Iraq. America’s commitment has been kept; the Iraq War is coming to an end.

Of course, as we speak, al Qaeda and their affiliates continue to plan attacks against us. Thanks to our intelligence and law enforcement professionals, we are disrupting plots and securing our cities and skies. And as extremists try to inspire acts of violence within our borders, we are responding with the strength of our communities, with respect for the rule of law, and with the conviction that American Muslims are a part of our American family.

We have also taken the fight to al Qaeda and their allies abroad. In Afghanistan, our troops have taken Taliban strongholds and trained Afghan Security Forces. Our purpose is clear—by preventing the Taliban from reestablishing a stranglehold over the Afghan people, we will deny al Qaeda the safe-haven that served as a launching pad for 9/11. Thanks to our heroic troops and civilians, fewer Afghans are under the control of the insurgency. There will be tough fighting ahead, and the Afghan government will need to deliver better governance. But we are strengthening the capacity of the Afghan people and building an enduring partnership with them. This year, we will work with nearly 50 countries to begin a transition to an Afghan lead. And this July, we will begin to bring our troops home.

In Pakistan, al Qaeda’s leadership is under more pressure than at any point since 2001. Their leaders and operatives are being removed from the battlefield. Their safe-havens are shrinking. And we have sent a message from the Afghan border to the Arabian Peninsula to all parts of the globe: we will not relent, we will not waver, and we will defeat you.

American leadership can also be seen in the effort to secure the worst weapons of war. Because Republicans and Democrats approved the New START Treaty, far fewer nuclear weapons and launchers will be deployed. Because we rallied the world, nuclear materials are being locked down on every continent so they never fall into the hands of terrorists.

Because of a diplomatic effort to insist that Iran meet its obligations, the Iranian government now faces tougher and tighter sanctions than ever before. And on the Korean peninsula, we stand with our ally South Korea, and insist that North Korea keeps its commitment to abandon nuclear weapons.

This is just a part of how we are shaping a world that favors peace and prosperity. With our European allies, we revitalized NATO, and increased our cooperation on everything from counter-terrorism to missile defense. We have reset our relationship with Russia, strengthened Asian alliances, and built new partnerships with nations like India. This March, I will travel to Brazil, Chile, and El Salvador to forge new alliances for progress in the Americas. Around the globe, we are standing with those who take responsibility—helping farmers grow more food; supporting doctors who care for the sick; and combating the corruption that can rot a society and rob people of opportunity.

Recent events have shown us that what sets us apart must not just be our power—it must be the purpose behind it. In South Sudan—with our assistance —the people were finally able to vote for independence after years of war. Thousands lined up before dawn. People danced in the streets. One man who lost four of his brothers at war summed up the scene around him: “This was a battlefield for most of my life. Now we want to be free.”

We saw that same desire to be free in Tunisia, where the will of the people proved more powerful than the writ of a dictator. And tonight, let us be clear: the United States of America stands with the people of Tunisia, and supports the democratic aspirations of all people.

We must never forget that the things we’ve struggled for, and fought for, live in the hearts of people everywhere. And we must always remember that the Americans who have borne the greatest burden in this struggle are the men and women who serve our country. Tonight, let us speak with one voice in reaffirming that our nation is united in support of our troops and their families. Let us serve them as well as they have served us—by giving them the equipment they need; by providing them with the care and benefits they have earned; and by enlisting our veterans in the great task of building our own nation.

Our troops come from every corner of this country—they are black, white, Latino, Asian and Native American. They are Christian and Hindu, Jewish and Muslim. And, yes, we know that some of them are gay. Starting this year, no American will be forbidden from serving the country they love because of who they love. And with that change, I call on all of our college campuses to open their doors to our military recruiters and the ROTC. It is time to leave behind the divisive battles of the past. It is time to move forward as one nation.

We should have no illusions about the work ahead of us. Reforming our schools; changing the way we use energy; reducing our deficit—none of this is easy. All of it will take time. And it will be harder because we will argue about everything. The cost. The details. The letter of every law. Of course, some countries don’t have this problem. If the central government wants a railroad, they get a railroad—no matter how many homes are bulldozed. If they don’t want a bad story in the newspaper, it doesn’t get written. And yet, as contentious and frustrating and messy as our democracy can sometimes be, I know there isn’t a person here who would trade places with any other nation on Earth.

We may have differences in policy, but we all believe in the rights enshrined in our Constitution. We may have different opinions, but we believe in the same promise that says this is a place where you can make it if you try. We may have different backgrounds, but we believe in the same dream that says this is a country where anything’s possible. No matter who you are. No matter where you come from.

That dream is why I can stand here before you tonight. That dream is why a working class kid from Scranton can stand behind me. That dream is why someone who began by sweeping the floors of his father’s Cincinnati bar can preside as Speaker of the House in the greatest nation on Earth.

That dream—that American Dream—is what drove the Allen Brothers to reinvent their roofing company for a new era. It’s what drove those students at Forsyth Tech to learn a new skill and work towards the future. And that dream is the story of a small business owner named Brandon Fisher.

Brandon started a company in Berlin, Pennsylvania that specializes in a new kind of drilling technology. One day last summer, he saw the news that halfway across the world, 33 men were trapped in a Chilean mine, and no one knew how to save them. But Brandon thought his company could help. And so he designed a rescue that would come to be known as Plan B. His employees worked around the clock to manufacture the necessary drilling equipment. And Brandon left for Chile. Along with others, he began drilling a 2,000 foot hole into the ground, working three or four days at a time with no sleep. Thirty-seven days later, Plan B succeeded, and the miners were rescued. But because he didn’t want all of the attention, Brandon wasn’t there when the miners emerged. He had already gone home, back to work on his next project. Later, one of his employees said of the rescue, “We proved that Center Rock is a little company, but we do big things.”

We do big things.

From the earliest days of our founding, America has been the story of ordinary people who dare to dream. That’s how we win the future.

We are a nation that says, “I might not have a lot of money, but I have this great idea for a new company. I might not come from a family of college graduates, but I will be the first to get my degree. I might not know those people in trouble, but I think I can help them, and I need to try. I’m not sure how we’ll reach that better place beyond the horizon, but I know we’ll get there. I know we will.”

We do big things.

The idea of America endures. Our destiny remains our choice. And tonight, more than two centuries later, it is because of our people that our future is hopeful, our journey goes forward, and the state of our union is strong.

Thank you, God Bless You, and may God Bless the United States of America.

眾議院議長先生、副總統(tǒng)先生、各位國會議員、尊敬的客人們、同胞們：

今晚我想首先向美國第112屆國會的男女議員、你們的新議長約翰·博納表示祝賀。在我們慶祝這一時刻時，我們?nèi)匀缓芮宄晃粐鴷h員的座位是空著的，讓我們?yōu)槲覀兊耐?、我們的朋友加布里埃?middot;吉福茲的健康祈禱。

我們這些今晚出席這一活動的人在過去兩年曾存在分歧，這不是秘密。辯論是非常激烈的，我們?yōu)槲覀兏髯缘挠^點進行了激烈的斗爭。這是一件好事，這是強有力的民主所要求的。這種爭論幫助美國成為區(qū)別于其他國家的民主國家。

但圖森市的悲劇給了我們一個停止爭論的理由，我們進行的公共辯論引發(fā)了噪音、情緒、怨恨。圖森的悲劇提醒我們，不管我們是誰、來自何方，我們中的每一個人都是一個更偉大事務(wù)的一部分，它比政黨或者政治傾向更具必然性。

我們是美國大家庭的組成部分。我們相信在這個各種種族、信仰、觀點并存的國家，我們?nèi)允且粋€團結(jié)在一起的民族。我們擁有共同的希望和信條，圖森小女孩的夢想與我們自己孩子的夢想沒有什么差別，這些夢想都應(yīng)有獲得實現(xiàn)的機會。這也是使我們作為一個國家產(chǎn)生分歧的原因。

現(xiàn)在，簡單地認識到這一點本身將不會開啟一個合作的新時代。這一時刻所能產(chǎn)生的成果取決于我們。這一時刻所產(chǎn)生的成果將不會由我們是否今晚坐在一起而決定，它將被我們明天是否合作所決定。我認為我們能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)合作，我認為我們必須這樣。這是那些把我們送到這里的人們所期望的。他們通過他們的選票決定，執(zhí)政將是兩黨共同的責任，新的法案只有在獲得民主黨和共和黨議員的支持下才能通過。在面對比黨派或者政治更大的挑戰(zhàn)面前，我們將一起前行，或者原地不動。

現(xiàn)在的利害不是誰將贏得下次選舉，畢竟，我們剛剛舉行完一次選舉。現(xiàn)在的利害是新的就業(yè)機會和新的行業(yè)是否會在美國生根或者在其他地方。這事關(guān)我們?nèi)嗣竦男羷诠ぷ骱托袠I(yè)是否能得到回報。這事關(guān)我們是否能繼續(xù)保持領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力，這種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力使美國不只局限于地圖上的某一個地方，美國因為這種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力而成為世界的燈光。

我們做好了前進的準備。在我們大多數(shù)人經(jīng)歷最為糟糕的經(jīng)濟衰退兩年后，股市已再次大幅上升，公司贏利在增加，經(jīng)濟在再次增長。但我們從不只以這些標準來衡量進展，我們以我們?nèi)嗣竦某晒碓u估進展。通過他們所能找到的工作和這些工作所提供的生活質(zhì)量，通過小企業(yè)主把好點子的夢想轉(zhuǎn)變成興旺發(fā)達的企業(yè)的前景，通過我們給我們孩子更好生活的機遇。這是一個美國人民想讓我們從事的事業(yè)，美國人民想讓我們共同致力于這項事業(yè)。

我們?nèi)ツ?2月做了這方面的工作。由于我們通過的減稅法案，美國人今天收到的支票金額要比過去多。所有的企業(yè)都可以把它今年所作投資的全部開支注銷。這些由民主黨人和共和黨人合作采取的措施將使經(jīng)濟增長，增加就業(yè)崗位，私人行業(yè)去年已創(chuàng)造一百多萬個就業(yè)崗位。但我們有更多的工作要做。我們在過去兩年所采取的措施可能已克服了經(jīng)濟衰退的主要困難，但是為了贏得未來，我們必須直接應(yīng)對那些在過去數(shù)十年來一直積累起來的挑戰(zhàn)。

許多觀看今晚演講的人可能還記得那個找到好工作意味著在附近工廠或者市中心商業(yè)區(qū)就業(yè)的時候，你并不總是需要獲得一個學(xué)位，你的競爭基本只限于你的鄰居。如果你努力工作，你可能會終身擁有這個職位，這個工作會給你帶來體面的收入，好的福利，有時還會升職。你可能還會擁有看到你的孩子在同一公司工作的自豪感。

世界已發(fā)生了變革。對于許多人來說，變革是痛苦的。在曾經(jīng)一度業(yè)務(wù)繁忙的工廠面臨關(guān)閉時，我透過百葉窗看到了這種痛苦;在一度繁忙的商業(yè)街道空空如也的店門前，我看到了這種痛苦;在那些看到收入不斷縮水或者失業(yè)美國人的絕望言論中，我聽到了這種痛苦。這就好像在比賽進行到一半時，表現(xiàn)出色而又頗感自豪的運動員發(fā)現(xiàn)規(guī)則突然改變了。他們是正確的，規(guī)則發(fā)生了變化。僅僅用了一代人的時間，技術(shù)革命已改變了我們的工作、生活和做生意的方式。一度需要一千名工人的鋼鐵廠現(xiàn)在用一百名工人就可以完成同樣的工作。今天，任何一家公司都可以設(shè)立商店、雇傭員工、把產(chǎn)品銷售給有互聯(lián)網(wǎng)連接的所有地方。

與此同時，中國和印度等國已意識到，他們在做出一些變革后將能夠在新世界里與其他國家進行競爭。所以，他們開始對他們的孩子進行更早和更長時間的教育，更加重視數(shù)學(xué)和科學(xué)。他們投資于研發(fā)和新技術(shù)。就在不久之前，中國已擁有世界上最大的私營太陽能研究設(shè)施，世界上運行速度最快的計算機。

所以，是的，世界發(fā)生了變革。就業(yè)崗位的競爭是真實存在的，但這不應(yīng)當使我們灰心，它應(yīng)當成為激勵我們的動力。請記住，盡管我們在過去幾年遭受到了巨大打擊，盡管所有的悲觀者預(yù)言美國在衰落，但美國仍是世界上最大、最繁榮的經(jīng)濟體。我們工人的勞動生產(chǎn)率是最高的，我們的公司是最成功的，我們的投資者和企業(yè)家所擁有的專利數(shù)是最多的。我們擁有世界上最好的院校和大學(xué)，來美國就讀的學(xué)生超過任何其他國家。

更為重要的是，我們是首個以思想立國的國家，這個思想是我們中的每個人都應(yīng)當有機會來塑造自己的命運。這就是為什么先驅(qū)們和移民們數(shù)個世紀以來不惜冒著失去一切的風(fēng)險來到美國的原因。這就是我們的學(xué)生不只是記住方程式，而是會提出“你認為這個想法如何?你想如何改變世界?當你長大后你想成為什么樣的人”等問題。

我們將贏得未來，但為了實現(xiàn)這一點，我們不能原地踏步。正如羅伯特·肯尼迪所說的那樣“未來不是一個禮物，它是一個成就”。維持美國夢從來不是墨守成規(guī)。它需要每一代人作出犧牲、斗爭，滿足新時代的要求?，F(xiàn)在輪到我們這一代人了。我們知道在我們的時代為工作和行業(yè)進行競爭需要什么。我們需要在創(chuàng)新、教育和建設(shè)方面超越其他國家。我們要使美國成為商業(yè)環(huán)境最好的國家。我們需要對我們的赤字負責任，對我們的政府進行改革。這就是我們的人民實現(xiàn)繁榮的方法。這就是我們?nèi)绾乌A得未來的方法。今晚，我想談?wù)勎覀內(nèi)绾巫龅竭@些。

贏得未來的首個步驟是鼓勵美國人創(chuàng)新。

我們所有人都無法肯定地預(yù)言下一個主要行業(yè)將是什么行業(yè)或者新的就業(yè)崗位來自哪里。三十年前，我們不知道一個被稱作互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的東西會引發(fā)經(jīng)濟革命。我們所能做的是爭取在激發(fā)美國人民的創(chuàng)造性和想象力這些方面比其他國家的人做得更好。我們是一個將車開到車道上、把計算機放在辦公室的國家，是一個擁有愛迪生、萊特兄弟的國家，是一個擁有谷歌和臉譜的國家。在美國，創(chuàng)新不只改變我們的生活，更重要的是這是我們賴以謀生的方法。我們的自由企業(yè)制度驅(qū)動著創(chuàng)新，但是由于公司投資基礎(chǔ)研究并不總是有利可圖，在歷史上，我們的政府向一流的科學(xué)家和發(fā)明家提供了他們所需要的支持。這些支持種下了互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的種子，這些支持幫助制造出計算機芯片和全球定位儀這樣的東西。想想所有的好工作，從制造業(yè)到零售業(yè)都來自于這些突破。

半個世紀之前，當蘇聯(lián)人發(fā)射一顆名為“伴侶號”的人造衛(wèi)星從而在太空競賽領(lǐng)域擊敗我們時，我們不知道我們?nèi)绾卧诘窃路矫鎿魯∷麄?。那方面的科學(xué)當時還不存在，美國宇航局當時甚至都還未組建。但在更好的研究和教育方面投資后，我們不僅超過了蘇聯(lián)人，我們還推動了一系列的創(chuàng)新，這些創(chuàng)新創(chuàng)造了新的行業(yè)和數(shù)百萬個新就業(yè)崗位。

這是我們那一代人創(chuàng)造的“伴侶號”走在世界前沿的時刻。我在兩年前說過，我們需要將研發(fā)拓展到自太空競賽高峰后再也沒有出現(xiàn)過的新層次上。我將在未來幾周內(nèi)向國會提交一份預(yù)算案，它將幫助我們實現(xiàn)這一目標。我們將投資于生物醫(yī)藥研究、信息技術(shù)，尤其是清潔能源技術(shù)，這一投資將會強化我們的安全、保護我們的地球、為我們的人民創(chuàng)造無數(shù)新就業(yè)崗位。

我們已看到了可再生能源的潛力。羅伯特·阿倫和加里·阿倫是一對在密歇根州經(jīng)營屋頂公司的兄弟。他們在“9·11”恐怖襲擊事件后志愿派出他們最好的裝修屋頂員工來幫助維修五角大樓，但是他們工廠的半個廠區(qū)沒有開工，經(jīng)濟衰退重創(chuàng)了他們的工廠。今天，在政府貸款的幫助下，空閑的廠房被用于制造銷往全球各地的太陽能電池板。用羅伯特的話說：“我們再造了自己。”

這就是美國人在過去兩百多年里一直在做的事情，再造自我。為了推動更多像阿倫兄弟這樣的成功故事，我們已開始再造我們的能源政策。我們將不只提供款項，我們還將提供挑戰(zhàn)。我們將告訴美國的科學(xué)家和工程師，如果他們組建他們領(lǐng)域最好的科學(xué)家小組，致力解決清潔能源最困難問題，我們將向我們時代的“阿波羅項目”提供資金支持。

在加州理工學(xué)院，科學(xué)家正在尋找一種將太陽光和水轉(zhuǎn)換成汽車燃料的方法。在橡樹嶺國家實驗室，科學(xué)家們正在通過超級計算機以使從我們的核設(shè)施獲得更多能量。在進行更多的研究和激勵措施后，我們可以用生物燃料來打破我們對石油的依賴，成為在2015年前首個擁有一百萬電動汽車上路的國家。

我們需要找到創(chuàng)新背后的要素。為了向創(chuàng)新提供經(jīng)費支持，我將請求國會取消向石油公司所提供的數(shù)十億美元稅款補貼。我不知道你是否注意到這一情況，石油公司自身運營得很不錯。所以，與其向昨天的能源業(yè)提供補貼，我們不如投資于未來的能源。

現(xiàn)在，清潔能源領(lǐng)域的技術(shù)突破只有在業(yè)界知道有銷售市場的情況下才會轉(zhuǎn)變成清潔能源業(yè)的工作崗位。所以，今晚，我想讓你們和我一起來制訂一個新目標：爭取在2035年之前使美國85%的電力供應(yīng)量來自清潔能源。一些人想要風(fēng)力和太陽能，其他人想要核電、清潔煤炭和天然氣。為了實現(xiàn)這一目標，我們將需要所有這些清潔能源。我呼吁民主黨人和共和黨人通過合作來實現(xiàn)這一目標。

保持我們在研究和技術(shù)領(lǐng)域的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位對于美國的成功至關(guān)重要。如果我們想擁抱未來，如果我們想讓創(chuàng)新在美國而不是海外創(chuàng)造就業(yè)崗位，那么我們必須贏得教育我們孩子的競賽。思考一下吧，在未來十年，近半數(shù)新就業(yè)崗位將需要擁有高中以上的教育程度。雖然如此，美國仍有近四分之一的學(xué)生甚至未完成中學(xué)教育。我們教育和科學(xué)的教育質(zhì)量落后于許多國家，美國年輕人擁有大學(xué)學(xué)位比例的排行已降至世界第九位。所以問題是我們所有的人，作為公民，作為父母，是否愿意做那些必要的事情以便讓每個孩子都有成功的機會?

這一責任不僅是在我們的教室內(nèi)開始的，也是在我們的家庭和社區(qū)里開始的。是家庭首先培養(yǎng)了孩子愛好學(xué)習(xí)的習(xí)慣，只有父母在確保關(guān)掉電視的情況下，孩子的家庭作業(yè)才會完成。我們需要教育我們的孩子，不僅是超級碗比賽的獲勝者值得慶祝，那些科學(xué)大賽的贏家也應(yīng)當值得慶祝。成功不是名氣或者公共關(guān)系所帶來的，它是由辛勞的工作和自律造就的。

我們的學(xué)校也有責任。當一名兒童步入教室，它就應(yīng)當是一個被寄予厚望和擁有很高教學(xué)能力的地方，但是太多的學(xué)校未能達到這一標準。這就是為什么我們沒有向教育系統(tǒng)注入大筆資金原因，我們啟動了一個名為“沖頂賽跑”的競爭。我們對所有五十個州說：“如果你們能夠向我們展示提高教師質(zhì)量和學(xué)生成就的最具創(chuàng)新力的方案，我們將向你們提供款項。”“沖頂賽跑”是我們公共學(xué)校在十年內(nèi)所進行的最有意義的改革。它只使用了不到我們每年教育開支的1%的經(jīng)費，但它已使四十個州提高了教學(xué)和學(xué)習(xí)標準。這些標準不是由華盛頓所決定的，它是由美國各個州的共和黨和民主黨州長們所決定的。“沖頂賽跑”應(yīng)當成為我們今年所采取的方法。我們今年將用一個更為靈活、專注于用給我們的孩子帶來最大益處的法律來取代《不讓一個兒童落后法》。

你們應(yīng)該知道，當改革不僅僅是從上到下的指示時，我們的孩子所能夠取得的成績有多大。改革措施將由當?shù)氐慕處熀托ｉL、校董事會和社區(qū)來決定。以丹佛的布魯斯·蘭多夫?qū)W校為例，它在三年前被評為科羅拉多州最差的學(xué)校之一，它位于兩個敵對黑幫爭奪的地盤內(nèi)。但在去年五月，該校97%的高三學(xué)生獲得了畢業(yè)證，大多數(shù)人將是他們家庭中上大學(xué)的第一人。在學(xué)校實現(xiàn)轉(zhuǎn)變后的第一年，一位學(xué)生的話使這一切成為現(xiàn)實的校長流下了眼淚。這個學(xué)生說：“感謝你，威特斯女士，感謝你向我們表明，我們是聰明的，我們能夠成功。”

讓我們也記住，除了父母之外，對一個孩子成功的最大影響來自于站在教室前的男女教師們。在韓國，教師們被稱作“國家建造者”。在美國，現(xiàn)是我們該以同樣程度的尊重對待那些教育我們孩子的人的時候了。我們應(yīng)當獎勵好教師，停止為糟糕的教師找借口。在未來十年，由于非常多的嬰兒潮，一代教師將退休，我們將需要準備十萬名科學(xué)、技術(shù)、工程和數(shù)學(xué)學(xué)科教師。事實上，對于今晚收聽講演的、正在考慮職業(yè)選擇的年輕人，如果你想讓我們國家前途有所不同，如果你想讓一個孩子的生命有所不同，成為一位教師吧。你的國家需要你。

當然，教育競賽不會止步于高中畢業(yè)證，為了競爭必須讓每位美國人都有接受高等教育的機會。這就是我們?yōu)槭裁唇Y(jié)束向銀行提供沒有充分根據(jù)的稅款補貼，用節(jié)省下來的錢來使數(shù)百萬學(xué)生能有能力上大學(xué)。我今年將請求國會采取進一步措施，使我們的學(xué)費稅收抵免永久化，對一個人四年的大學(xué)來說，這筆錢相當于1萬美元。

由于人們需要在今天快速變化的經(jīng)濟領(lǐng)域里接受新工作和職業(yè)的培訓(xùn)，我們也將重新使美國的社區(qū)學(xué)院恢復(fù)活力。我上個月看到了北卡羅來納州福費斯社區(qū)技術(shù)學(xué)院的潛力，學(xué)院的許多學(xué)生曾在現(xiàn)在已搬離城鎮(zhèn)的附近工廠就業(yè)。凱西·普羅克托是一位兩個孩子的母親，她十八歲就開始在家具業(yè)工作。她告訴我，現(xiàn)年55歲的她正在攻讀生物技術(shù)學(xué)位，不只是因為家具業(yè)的工作沒有了，而是因為她想鼓勵她的孩子也追求他們的夢想。凱西說：“我希望這將能教會他們永不放棄。”

如果我們采取這些措施，如果我們提高對每個孩子的期望值，給他們在教育方面最好的機遇，從他們出生至他們最后的就業(yè)崗位，我們將實現(xiàn)我在兩年前確定的目標：在這個十年結(jié)束的時候，美國將再度成為擁有大學(xué)生比例最高的國家。

有關(guān)教育的最后一點。今天，我們的學(xué)校里有數(shù)百萬學(xué)業(yè)優(yōu)秀的非美國公民。一些人是非法工人的孩子，他們與他們父母的行為沒有任何關(guān)系。他們是以美國人的身份長大的，宣誓效忠美國，但卻每天生活在將被驅(qū)逐的威脅之下。其他人來自海外，在我們的院校和大學(xué)里學(xué)習(xí)，但他們一旦獲得學(xué)位，我們就把他們送回國和我們進行競爭。這沒有道理?，F(xiàn)在，我強烈地認為，我們應(yīng)當立即解決非法移民的問題。我做好了與共和黨人和民主黨人合作以保護我們邊境的準備，執(zhí)行我們的法律，解決數(shù)百萬生活在陰影之下的非法移民問題。我知道，這方面的辯論將是艱難的，將需要時間。但是今晚，讓我們就開始作出努力達成共識。停止驅(qū)逐那些有才能、負責任的年輕人，他們可以在我們的實驗室工作、創(chuàng)業(yè)、給美國帶來新的財富。

贏得未來的第三步是重建美國。為了吸引新的行業(yè)來到美國，我們需要運送人員、商品、信息最快捷、最可靠的方法，從高速鐵路至高速互聯(lián)網(wǎng)等基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施。

我們的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施曾經(jīng)是世界上最棒的，但現(xiàn)在我們的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢已經(jīng)下滑。韓國家庭的互聯(lián)網(wǎng)接入比例已超過了美國。歐洲國家和俄羅斯在公路和鐵路的投資額超過了美國。中國正在建造更快的火車和新機場。與此同時，當我們自己的工程師給我們的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施打分時，他們給我們打了一個“D”。

我們必須做得更好，美國是一個建設(shè)了州際鐵路，將電力輸往鄉(xiāng)村社區(qū)，建設(shè)了州際高速公路的國家。這些項目創(chuàng)造的工作不只來自于鋪設(shè)鐵軌或者路面，工作機會也來自在鎮(zhèn)里新建火車站或者新外匝道附近開設(shè)的行業(yè)。

在未來兩年，我們已開始為二十一世紀進行重建。這個項目已為遭到沉重打擊的建筑業(yè)帶來了數(shù)千個好工作。今晚，我提議我們加倍這方面的努力。

我們將讓更多的美國人從事修理年久失修的道路和橋梁工作。我們將確保這方面的工作有充分的經(jīng)費保證，吸引私人投資，根據(jù)項目對經(jīng)濟而不是對政治家的最佳益處來選擇項目。

在未來二十五年內(nèi)，我們的目標是使80%的美國人能夠擁有高速鐵路，這將使你乘高速鐵路出行的時間比開車出行的時間減少一半。對于一些旅程來說，它將比乘飛機出行更快，而且沒有嚴格的安檢措施。在我們講話之時，加州和中西部地區(qū)的高鐵線路已在建設(shè)之中。

在未來五年內(nèi)，我們將使業(yè)界向98%的美國人提供下一代高速無線網(wǎng)絡(luò)連接成為可能。這并不只是更快的互聯(lián)網(wǎng)和更少的漏接電話。這使美國的各個地區(qū)都進入數(shù)字化時代。這事關(guān)衣阿華州或者阿拉巴馬州鄉(xiāng)村社區(qū)的農(nóng)民和小企業(yè)主能夠向全世界出售他們的產(chǎn)品，這事關(guān)消防隊員能夠用手持裝置來下載著火建筑物的設(shè)計圖。這事關(guān)一名學(xué)生可以用數(shù)字教科書上課或者一位病人能夠與她的醫(yī)生進行面對面的視頻聊天。

所有這些投資，在創(chuàng)新、教育、基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施方面的投資將為美國帶來更好的商業(yè)環(huán)境并且創(chuàng)造就業(yè)。但是為了幫助我們的公司競爭，我們還必須打破那些阻礙他們成功的障礙物。

多年以來，眾多的游說人士利用稅法來為某些公司和行業(yè)謀利，那些在這一系統(tǒng)中就業(yè)的會計師或者律師最終什么稅都不交，而所有其他人則要承受世界上最高的公司稅率。這毫無道理，這需要改變。

所以，今晚我請求民主黨和共和黨人簡化稅率，根除漏洞，實現(xiàn)公平競爭。用這些節(jié)省下來的錢來降低公司稅率，這將是二十五年來的第一次，而且是在不增加我們赤字的情況下。

為了幫助商業(yè)界向海外出售更多的產(chǎn)品，我們確定了在2014年將出口額翻一倍的目標，因為我們出口的越多，在國內(nèi)創(chuàng)造的就業(yè)崗位就會越多。我們的出口額已經(jīng)開始上升。我們最近與印度和中國簽署了協(xié)議，這些協(xié)議將為美國二十五萬多個就業(yè)崗位提供支持。我們上個月與韓國完成了貿(mào)易協(xié)議的最后文本，它將支持至少七萬個美國就業(yè)崗位。這一協(xié)議獲得來自行業(yè)和勞工組織、民主黨人和共和黨人前所未有的支持。我請求國會盡早通過這一協(xié)議。

在我就職之前，我明確表示我們將執(zhí)行我們的貿(mào)易協(xié)議。我將只會簽署那些對美國工人有信心、增加美國就業(yè)崗位的協(xié)議。我們與韓國簽署協(xié)議時就是這樣做的，我想在與巴拿馬和哥倫比亞尋求簽署類似協(xié)議時也會這樣做，在繼續(xù)與我們的亞太和全球貿(mào)易會談時持同樣立場。

為了降低增長和投資的障礙，我已下令對政府規(guī)則進行重新評估。當我們發(fā)現(xiàn)那些給行業(yè)帶來不必要負擔的規(guī)則時，我們將會修改這些規(guī)則。我將毫不遲疑地設(shè)立或者強制執(zhí)行常識性的保護性規(guī)則，以保護美國人民。我們在過去一個多世紀一直是這樣做的。這就是為什么我們的食物、水、空氣是安全的。這就是我們?yōu)槭裁慈ツ陮π庞每ü倦[藏資費和懲罰規(guī)定采取消費者保護措施，為了避免新的金融危機采取新規(guī)則的原因。這就是我們?yōu)槭裁醋罱K通過改革法案以防止醫(yī)保行業(yè)剝削病人的原因。

現(xiàn)在，我聽說了有關(guān)你們中的一些人對新的醫(yī)保法律有一些擔心的傳聞。所以讓我來首先說，所有的事情都有改善的可能。如果你有使醫(yī)療護理更加高質(zhì)量或者更便宜的想法，我很愿意與你合作。我們現(xiàn)在可以著手開始解決法案中給小企業(yè)帶來不必要記賬負擔的缺陷，但我不愿意去做的事情是重返保險公司以先決條件為由來否決一些人獲得醫(yī)療保險的時代。我不愿意告訴來自得州的腦癌患者詹姆斯·霍華德，醫(yī)保公司可能不會支付他的治療費用。我不愿意告訴俄勒岡州的小企業(yè)主吉姆·豪斯，他還得多支付5000美元來使他的雇員獲得醫(yī)保。就在我們講話時，這一法案正使給老年人所開的處方藥更為便宜，使沒有醫(yī)療保險的學(xué)生有繼續(xù)享受他們父母醫(yī)保的機會。所以，與其重開過去兩年在這方面的斗爭，不如讓我們糾正需要糾正的地方向前走。

現(xiàn)在，贏得未來的最后一步，也是最關(guān)鍵的一步，是確保我們不會葬身于如山的債務(wù)之中。

幾乎從十年前開始，赤字財政就一直與我們形影相隨。在金融危機爆發(fā)后，這在一定程度上對于保持銀行流動性、保護就業(yè)以及增加人民收入來說是必要的。但現(xiàn)在經(jīng)濟衰退的最糟時刻已經(jīng)結(jié)束，我們必須直面政府財政入不敷出的現(xiàn)實。這是不可持續(xù)的。每天美國的家庭在節(jié)衣縮食以保證營收平衡，他們的政府也應(yīng)如此。所以，今晚我建議從今年開始凍結(jié)未來五年部分年度國內(nèi)項目支出。這將使美國財政赤字在未來十年減少4000多億美元，進而使政府可自由支配的開支所占經(jīng)濟的比例降低到艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)時期以來的最低水平。

凍結(jié)需要進行痛苦的削減。我們已經(jīng)凍結(jié)了未來兩年辛勞工作的聯(lián)邦雇員的工資水平。我也建議削減我一直非常關(guān)注的一些項目的支出，比如社區(qū)行動項目。國防部長也已同意削減他與他的將軍們認為對我們軍事影響不大的數(shù)百億美元的軍費支出。我承認在座各位中有些人已提出了進一步削減開支的提案，我愿意刪除任何的確可節(jié)省的開支。不過我們必須確保不加重最脆弱的民眾的負擔，而且我們還要確保所削減開支屬真正超重部分。通過減少對改革和教育的投資來實現(xiàn)赤字削減，就相當于拆除發(fā)動機以實現(xiàn)超載飛機減重的目的。這樣做或許可能讓你一開始覺得飛得很高，但沒過多久，你就會感受到?jīng)_擊。

現(xiàn)在，我提出的大部分削減和節(jié)省提案只包括在年度國內(nèi)支出中，而這種開支僅占我國預(yù)算的12%多一點。為了取得進一步進展，我們必須停止僅削減此類開支就已足夠的臆測，這還不夠。去年我組建的兩黨聯(lián)立財政委員會已經(jīng)明確了這一點。我并不認同他們的全部提案，但他們的確取得了重大進步。他們的結(jié)論是解決我國赤字問題的唯一辦法是削減我們能夠發(fā)現(xiàn)的所有過度消費，包括國內(nèi)項目開支、國防開支、醫(yī)療開支等。

這就意味著進一步降低衛(wèi)生保健開支，包括像醫(yī)療保險和醫(yī)療補貼這樣我國長期赤字最大單一來源項目。醫(yī)療保險改革將減緩這些開支的上升，這就是無黨派經(jīng)濟學(xué)家認為廢止衛(wèi)生保健法會使我國赤字增加2500億美元的部分原因。我很愿意看到其他降低開支的想法，包括去年共和黨的一項提案：進行醫(yī)療事故改革，降低草率的醫(yī)療訴訟發(fā)生率。

為了構(gòu)建堅實的基礎(chǔ)，我們還應(yīng)制定兩黨解決方案，強化后代社會保障。在這一點上，我們不應(yīng)危及當前退休人員，最易受到傷害的人群，或殘疾人，不應(yīng)有損后代利益，不應(yīng)使美國退休收入保障受制于充滿不確定性的股市。

如果我們真的關(guān)心我們的赤字，我們就不能允許永久延長有關(guān)2%最富裕美國人的減稅法案。在削減學(xué)校資金或?qū)W生的獎學(xué)金之前，我們應(yīng)該讓那些百萬富翁們放棄他們的減稅優(yōu)惠。這不是懲罰他們所取得的成功。而是要促進美國的成功。

實際上，在稅收方面，我們能為所有美國人做得最好的事莫過于簡化個人稅碼。這將會是一項艱巨的工作，不過兩黨成員已經(jīng)表示有意從事這項工作，而且我也準備加入他們。

所以，現(xiàn)在是時候采取行動了?，F(xiàn)在是時候兩黨及國會兩院在原則上做出讓步，共同從事這項工作了。如果我們現(xiàn)在做出這一艱難決定，從而嚴加控制我們的赤字，那么我們便能夠進行贏得未來所需的投資。更進一步地說，我們的政府不能負擔得更多。我們應(yīng)該給人民一個更強有力、更高效的政府。過去的政府無法贏得未來。我們生活和工作在信息時代，但上一次政府大規(guī)模重組卻還是在黑白電視機的時代。涉及出口的有十二個機構(gòu)。涉及住房政策的則至少有五個實體。我常舉的一個例子是大馬哈魚在淡水中時由內(nèi)政部負責，而在咸水中時則由商業(yè)部負責。而我聽說一旦被熏烤之后情況就更復(fù)雜。

現(xiàn)在，我們已經(jīng)在過去的兩年里，在利用技術(shù)以及消滅浪費方面實現(xiàn)了突飛猛進。退伍軍人現(xiàn)在點一下鼠標，就能下載他們的電子病歷。我們正在出售幾英畝數(shù)年都未曾使用的聯(lián)邦辦公地點，而且我們將去除繁文縟節(jié)以便擺脫更多負擔。不過，我們需要考慮更多。未來的幾個月里，我的政府將會提出一項建議，以最有助于實現(xiàn)打造更具競爭力美國的目標的方法，合并、鞏固并整頓聯(lián)邦政府。我將會把這一建議提交給國會進行投票，我們將會推動這一建議的通過。

未來一年里，我們將繼續(xù)努力重建人民對政府機構(gòu)的信任。因為你們應(yīng)當確切知道你們所繳的稅花在哪里，花了多少，你們也將能夠在第一時間登錄網(wǎng)站獲得這些信息。因為你們應(yīng)當知道自己選出的官員何時會見游說團體，我已要求國會按照白宮已經(jīng)在做的將這些信息公布上網(wǎng)。而且因為美國人民應(yīng)當知道，特殊利益不能穿插在小項目的立法中，國會中的兩黨議員應(yīng)該知道這一點：如果呈現(xiàn)在我案頭的法案中存在“特殊?？?rdquo;(注：一般是指國會議員各自根據(jù)其選區(qū)或者集團需要插入預(yù)算報告中的“相關(guān)項目專款”)，我將會予以否決。

一個具備公開和競爭力的二十一世紀政府，一個量入為出的政府。一個由新技術(shù)與理念驅(qū)動的經(jīng)濟體系。要在這個不斷變化的新世界中取得成功，我們需改革、責任和創(chuàng)新。這還需要我們在外交事務(wù)中通過新方法接觸世界。

正如就業(yè)和商貿(mào)現(xiàn)在可以跨越國界一樣，新威脅和新挑戰(zhàn)也是如此。隔在東西方之間的不是一堵墻，與我們?yōu)閿车囊膊皇悄硞€超級大國。所以，我們必須戰(zhàn)勝敵人，無論他們在哪里，并建立跨越地區(qū)、種族和宗教界線的聯(lián)盟。美國的道德榜樣必需始終照耀著渴望自由、正義和尊嚴的所有人。因此我們已經(jīng)開始了這項工作，所以今晚我們能夠說美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)階層已經(jīng)復(fù)興，美國的地位已經(jīng)恢復(fù)。

看看伊拉克，我們有近十萬勇敢的男女士兵已經(jīng)昂首挺胸撤離伊拉克，美國的戰(zhàn)斗任務(wù)也已經(jīng)結(jié)束。在那里，暴力現(xiàn)象已經(jīng)開始下降，新政府已經(jīng)組建。今年，我們的民眾將與伊拉克人民建立持久伙伴關(guān)系，與此同時，我們從伊拉克撤軍的工作也將結(jié)束。美國遵守了承諾，伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭即將結(jié)束。

當然，誠如我們所言，基地組織及其附屬組織仍在計劃攻擊我們。感謝我們的情報和執(zhí)法人員，我們正在挫敗他們陰謀，保護我們的城市和天空。對于極端分子激發(fā)我們國內(nèi)暴力行動的企圖，我們正以社區(qū)力量、對法規(guī)的尊重，以及對美國穆斯林是我們美國大家庭一份子的堅定信仰作出回應(yīng)。

我們也同基地組織及其海外盟友展開了戰(zhàn)斗。在阿富汗，我們的軍隊已經(jīng)占據(jù)了塔利班的根據(jù)地，并且訓(xùn)練了阿富汗安全部隊。我們的目標很明顯：通過阻止塔利班再次壓榨阿富汗人民，我們將會阻止基地組織獲得充當“9·11”起點的避風(fēng)港。經(jīng)過英勇的軍隊及平民的奮戰(zhàn)，只剩下少數(shù)阿富汗人仍處于塔利班這一叛亂組織的控制之下。擺在前面的將會是激烈的戰(zhàn)斗，而且阿富汗政府需要進行更好的管制。不過，我們正在增強阿富汗人民的力量，并與他們構(gòu)建持久的伙伴關(guān)系。今年，我們將會同近五十個國家一起，開始向由阿富汗主導(dǎo)的狀態(tài)過渡。今年7月，我們將開始撤軍。

在巴基斯坦，基地組織領(lǐng)導(dǎo)階層承受著比2001年以來任何時候都要大的壓力。他們的首領(lǐng)和骨干正在被清除出戰(zhàn)場，他們的避風(fēng)港正在收縮。而且，我們已經(jīng)從阿富汗邊界向阿拉伯半島以及全球各地的恐怖分子發(fā)出警告：我們不會留情，我們不會動搖，我們將擊敗你們。

美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人也在努力確保最厲害戰(zhàn)爭武器的安全。因為共和黨和民主黨通過了新《削減戰(zhàn)略武器條約》，可部署的武器和發(fā)射器會更少。因為我們要重振世界，要在各大洲限制核材料，以免落入恐怖分子手中。

因為美國也在通過外交努力堅持要求伊朗履行其義務(wù)，所以伊朗政府現(xiàn)在面臨著比以往更加嚴厲的制裁。在朝鮮半島上，我們與盟國韓國站在一起，堅持朝鮮踐行其放棄核武器的諾言。

這僅是我們重塑世界、維護世界和平和繁榮所作出努力的一部分。我們與歐洲同盟一道，在努力恢復(fù)北約的活力，增加從反恐到導(dǎo)彈防御等各方面的合作。我們已經(jīng)重新設(shè)定了與俄羅斯的關(guān)系，強化亞洲同盟，并與印度等國家建立了新的伙伴關(guān)系。今年三月，我將訪問巴西、智利和薩爾瓦多，打造美洲新的進步同盟。在全球，我們與那些負責任的國家一道，幫助農(nóng)民生產(chǎn)更多的糧食，支持醫(yī)治傷患的醫(yī)生，并與敗壞社會風(fēng)氣和掠奪人民財富的腐敗行為作斗爭。

最近的事件告訴我們，使我們與眾不同的不僅是我們的力量，也必然還有其后的目的。在我們的幫助下，南蘇丹人民在經(jīng)歷了多年的戰(zhàn)爭后，最終能夠投票選擇自己的獨立。他們在黎明前排起了數(shù)千人的長隊，人民在大街上歡舞。一名在戰(zhàn)爭中失去了四名兄弟的男子在描述他身邊的景象時這樣說道，“這曾是我生命大多時間中的戰(zhàn)場，現(xiàn)在我們希望自由”。

我們在突尼斯看到了同樣的要求自由的愿望，在那里，事實證明人民的意志比獨裁者的敕令更有力量。今晚，我們要明確宣示：美利堅合眾國人民與突尼斯人民站在一起，并支持全體人民的民主愿望。

我們絕對不能忘記我們?yōu)橹?、為之奮斗、所有人都銘記心中的事情。我們必須永遠記住，在這場斗爭中負擔最為沉重的美國人正是那些報效我們祖國的男男女女。今晚，讓我們共同重申，我們的國家會團結(jié)一致地支持我們的軍隊及其家人。讓我們?yōu)樗麄兎?wù)，就像他們?yōu)槲覀兎?wù)那樣，給予他們需要的裝備，為他們提供應(yīng)得的保健和福利，并在建設(shè)祖國的偉大任務(wù)中，為退伍軍人提供支持。

我們的軍人來自這個國家的每一個角落。他們是黑人、白人、拉丁裔、亞裔和印第安人。他們是基督教教徒、印度教教徒、猶太教教徒和穆斯林。的確，我們知道其中有一些人是同性戀。從今年開始，美國人都不會因為他們的愛人而被禁止報效其所愛的國家。接下來，我呼吁所有大學(xué)校園向我們的軍方征兵人員和后備軍官訓(xùn)練隊敞開大門。現(xiàn)在，是時候和過去的分裂斗爭說再見了。我們應(yīng)該作為一個民族向前邁進。

我們不應(yīng)該對擺在我們面前的工作心存任何幻想。改革學(xué)校、改變能源使用方式、減少赤字，這一切都并非易事，這需要時間。我們會圍繞一切事情展開爭論，這會使難度變得更高，成本、細節(jié)、每一個法律條文。當然，有些國家不存在這個問題，如果中央政府說要建一條鐵路，他們就會建成一條鐵路，無論這需要拆除多少個家庭的房屋;如果他們不希望一件壞事見報，就沒人會去寫報道?？墒牵M管我們的民主有時可能引起爭議、令人沮喪乃至像一團亂麻，但我知道在場的各位沒有一個人會愿意與地球上任何其他國家的人交換位置。

我們在政策上可能有分歧，但對于我們的憲法所賦予的權(quán)利我們都深信不疑;我們可能有不同的見解，但我們都堅持一個共同的信念：在這個國家里，只要你努力嘗試，你就有可能成功;我們可能來自不同的背景，但我們抱有同一個夢想：在這個國家里，任何想法都可能成為現(xiàn)實，無論你是誰，也無論你來自何方。

正是這個夢想使我今晚能夠站在這里、站在你們面前。正是這個夢想使一名來自斯克蘭頓的勞工子弟能夠端坐在我身后。正是這個夢想使一個最初曾在他父親于辛辛那提開設(shè)的酒吧里掃地的人后來能夠在這個地球上最偉大的國家里當上眾議院議長。

這個夢想——美國夢驅(qū)使著艾倫兄弟為了一個新時代而徹底改造了他們的屋頂工程公司。這個夢想驅(qū)使著那些在佛塞斯技術(shù)社區(qū)學(xué)院求學(xué)的學(xué)生們學(xué)習(xí)新技術(shù)，為了未來努力奮斗。這個夢想也驅(qū)使一個名為布蘭登·費舍爾的小企業(yè)主有了自己的故事。

布蘭登在賓夕法尼亞州的柏林市開設(shè)了一家公司，專攻新型鉆探技術(shù)。去年夏季的一天，他看到新聞，智利礦井中有三十三人被困，無人知道如何營救。但布蘭登認為他的公司可以幫忙，他設(shè)計了一套營救方案稱為B計劃。他的員工二十四小時工作，生產(chǎn)所需的鉆探設(shè)備。然后布蘭登前往智利。他同其他人一起鉆了一個2000英尺的洞，連續(xù)不眠不休工作了三四天。三十七天后B計劃成功，礦工獲救。但布蘭登不想引起注意，礦工升井后，他并沒有在那里，他已經(jīng)回家開始致力于下一個項目了。后來，他的一名雇員在談到這次救援行動時說：“森特·羅克是一家小公司，但我們做的卻是大事情。”

我們做的是大事情。

自建國之初起，美國一直在講述敢于追求遠大理想的普通人的故事。未來我們也將因此而成功。

我們是一個會這樣說話的民族：“我或許沒有巨款，但是我有成立一家新公司的高見。我或許沒有出生在一個擁有大學(xué)學(xué)歷的家庭，但我將會成為這個家庭里第一個獲得大學(xué)學(xué)歷的人。我或許并不認識那些處于困境中的人們，但我認為我能夠幫助他們，而且我需要試一試。雖然我不確定我們將如何超越地平線到達更好的地方，但我知道我們將會到達那里。我知道我們能夠做到。”

我們做的是大事情。

美國的理念經(jīng)久不衰。我們的命運依然取決于我們的選擇。今晚，在兩個多世紀之后，正因為有了我們的人民，我們的未來才充滿希望，我們的征程才一路向前，我們的國家才強大繁盛。

謝謝大家。愿上帝保佑你們，愿上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。