奧巴馬于2013年在白宮的第二次就職演講

背景介紹

2013年1月21日，奧巴馬在美國(guó)首都華盛頓宣誓就職。奧巴馬四年前首度入主白宮時(shí)美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)陷入深重衰退，第二任期的奧巴馬仍面臨經(jīng)濟(jì)疲軟、失業(yè)率高企和迫在眉睫的財(cái)政危機(jī)。因此，在開始新的任期后，奧巴馬的首要任務(wù)仍然是處理經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題。

目前美國(guó)財(cái)政狀況正在逐步惡化。美國(guó)財(cái)政部17日公布的年度政府資產(chǎn)和負(fù)債評(píng)估報(bào)告顯示，美國(guó)政府2012財(cái)年的財(cái)政赤字從前一年的1.313萬(wàn)億美元擴(kuò)大至1.316萬(wàn)億美元。

中國(guó)人民大學(xué)國(guó)際關(guān)系學(xué)院美國(guó)研究中心主任時(shí)殷宏表示，就美國(guó)選民希望來(lái)看，特別是就美國(guó)面臨的最重要的問(wèn)題來(lái)看，毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，美國(guó)的政策關(guān)注重點(diǎn)仍然是國(guó)內(nèi)?？偟膩?lái)說(shuō)主要取決于三大背景：經(jīng)濟(jì)背景、金融背景、社會(huì)背景。

經(jīng)濟(jì)背景方面，雖然美國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)早已開始復(fù)蘇，但是數(shù)年來(lái)復(fù)蘇乏力，特別是直到今天失業(yè)率居高不下，產(chǎn)業(yè)復(fù)興缺乏市場(chǎng)，技術(shù)創(chuàng)新除了在能源頁(yè)巖方面的利用好像有新的技術(shù)革命的苗頭外，總體來(lái)說(shuō)還不是那么強(qiáng)勁，經(jīng)濟(jì)的復(fù)興是一個(gè)非常艱巨的任務(wù)。

金融背景方面，美國(guó)的國(guó)債已經(jīng)到了非常嚴(yán)重的程度，再加上由于白宮和國(guó)會(huì)、共和黨人黨派斗爭(zhēng)，廣義的財(cái)政危險(xiǎn)、財(cái)政虛弱是非常突出的。在一定意義上來(lái)講，解決美國(guó)的金融問(wèn)題，使它基本改觀，要比振興美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)還要困難。

而社會(huì)背景比較復(fù)雜，但是目前來(lái)看，奧巴馬遇到的新的困難，就是他大力主張管制槍支在國(guó)內(nèi)引起很多爭(zhēng)論和批評(píng)。另外移民方面，恐怕很多問(wèn)題也很難解決，而且社會(huì)問(wèn)題是同黨派政治斗爭(zhēng)聯(lián)合在一起的，所以這個(gè)問(wèn)題也非常復(fù)雜。

奧巴馬當(dāng)天指出美國(guó)仍未擺脫經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)的影響，所以目前的首要任務(wù)是增加就業(yè)、促進(jìn)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展、壯大中產(chǎn)階級(jí)。在談到財(cái)政危機(jī)時(shí)，奧巴馬表示，他歡迎妥協(xié)和新的意見，并認(rèn)為應(yīng)當(dāng)能夠在為大部分美國(guó)人減稅的情況下增加財(cái)政收入。但是他說(shuō)，最富有的美國(guó)人應(yīng)該多繳稅。

奧巴馬還稱議員們應(yīng)承諾削減聯(lián)邦預(yù)算，并呼吁大家能夠放下分歧一起合作，努力戰(zhàn)勝這些挑戰(zhàn)。

奧巴馬于2013年在白宮的第二次就職演講

Thank you. Thank you so much. Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:

Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy. We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. What makes us exceptional—what makes us American—is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”

Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Republic, a government of, and by, and for the people, entrusting each generation to keep safe our founding creed. For more than two hundred years, we have.

Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.

Together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce, schools and colleges to train our workers.

Together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play.

Together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.

Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.

But we have always understood that when times change, so must we; that fidelity to our founding principles requires new responses to new challenges; that preserving our individual freedoms ultimately requires collective action. For the American people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting alone than American soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism with muskets and militias. No single person can train all the math and science teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our shores. Now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation, and one people.

This generation of Americans has been tested by crises that steeled our resolve and proved our resilience. A decade of war is now ending. An economic recovery has begun. America’s possibilities are limitless, for we possess all the qualities that this world without boundaries demands: youth and drive; diversity and openness; an endless capacity for risk and a gift for reinvention. My fellow Americans, we are made for this moment, and we will seize it—so long as we seize it together.

For we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. We believe that America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class. We know that America thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship. We are true to our creed when a little girl born into the bleakest poverty knows that she has the same chance to succeed as anybody else, because she is an American, she is free, and she is equal, not just in the eyes of God but also in our own.

We understand that outworn programs are inadequate to the needs of our time. We must harness new ideas and technology to remake our government, revamp our tax code, reform our schools, and empower our citizens with the skills they need to work harder, learn more, and reach higher. But while the means will change, our purpose endures: a nation that rewards the effort and determination of every single American. That is what this moment requires. That is what will give real meaning to our creed.

We, the people, still believe that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security and dignity. We must make the hard choices to reduce the cost of health care and the size of our deficit. But we reject the belief that America must choose between caring for the generation that built this country and investing in the generation that will build its future. For we remember the lessons of our past, when twilight years were spent in poverty, and parents of a child with a disability had nowhere to turn. We do not believe that in this country, freedom is reserved for the lucky, or happiness for the few. We recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, any one of us, at any time, may face a job loss, or a sudden illness, or a home swept away in a terrible storm. The commitments we make to each other—through Medicare and Medicaid and Social Security, these things do not sap our initiative; they strengthen us. They do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make this country great.

We, the people, still believe that our obligations as Americans are not just to ourselves, but to all posterity. We will respond to the threat of climate change, knowing that the failure to do so would betray our children and future generations. Some may still deny the overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires, and crippling drought, and more powerful storms. The path towards sustainable energy sources will be long and sometimes difficult. But America cannot resist this transition, we must lead it. We cannot cede to other nations the technology that will power new jobs and new industries, we must claim its promise. That is how we will maintain our economic vitality and our national treasure—our forests and waterways; our croplands and snowcapped peaks. That is how we will preserve our planet, commanded to our care by God. That’s what will lend meaning to the creed our fathers once declared.

We, the people, still believe that enduring security and lasting peace do not require perpetual war. Our brave men and women in uniform, tempered by the flames of battle, are unmatched in skill and courage. Our citizens, seared by the memory of those we have lost, know too well the price that is paid for liberty. The knowledge of their sacrifice will keep us forever vigilant against those who would do us harm. But we are also heirs to those who won the peace and not just the war, who turned sworn enemies into the surest of friends, and we must carry those lessons into this time as well.

We will defend our people and uphold our values through strength of arms and rule of law. We will show the courage to try and resolve our differences with other nations peacefully—not because we are naive about the dangers we face, but because engagement can more durably lift suspicion and fear. America will remain the anchor of strong alliances in every corner of the globe; and we will renew those institutions that extend our capacity to manage crisis abroad, for no one has a greater stake in a peaceful world than its most powerful nation. We will support democracy from Asia to Africa, from the Americas to the Middle East, because our interests and our conscience compel us to act on behalf of those who long for freedom. And we must be a source of hope to the poor, the sick, the marginalized, the victims of prejudice—not out of mere charity, but because peace in our time requires the constant advance of those principles that our common creed describes: tolerance and opportunity; human dignity and justice.

We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths—that all of us are created equal—is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall; just as it guided all those men and women, sung and unsung, who left footprints along this great Mall, to hear a preacher say that we cannot walk alone; to hear a King proclaim that our individual freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of every soul on Earth.

It is now our generation’s task to carry on what those pioneers began. For our journey is not complete until our wives, our mothers, and daughters can earn a living equal to their efforts. Our journey is not complete until our gay brothers and sisters are treated like anyone else under the law—for if we are truly created equal, then surely the love we commit to one another must be equal as well. Our journey is not complete until no citizen is forced to wait for hours to exercise the right to vote. Our journey is not complete until we find a better way to welcome the striving, hopeful immigrants who still see America as a land of opportunity; until bright young students and engineers are enlisted in our workforce rather than expelled from our country. Our journey is not complete until all our children, from the streets of Detroit to the hills of Appalachia to the quiet lanes of Newtown, know that they are cared for, and cherished, and always safe from harm.

That is our generation’s task—to make these words, these rights, these values of Life, and Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness—real for every American. Being true to our founding documents does not require us to agree on every contour of life; it does not mean we will all define liberty in exactly the same way, or follow the same precise path to happiness. Progress does not compel us to settle centuries-long debates about the role of government for all time, but it does require us to act in our time.

For now decisions are upon us, and we cannot afford delay. We cannot mistake absolutism for principle, or substitute spectacle for politics, or treat name-calling as reasoned debate. We must act, knowing that our work will be imperfect. We must act, knowing that today’s victories will be only partial, and that it will be up to those who stand here in four years, and forty years, and four hundred years hence to advance the timeless spirit once conferred to us in a spare Philadelphia hall.

My fellow Americans, the oath I have sworn before you today, like the one recited by others who serve in this Capitol, was an oath to God and country, not party or faction, and we must faithfully execute that pledge during the duration of our service. But the words I spoke today are not so different from the oath that is taken each time a soldier signs up for duty, or an immigrant realizes her dream. My oath is not so different from the pledge we all make to the flag that waves above and that fills our hearts with pride. They are the words of citizens, and they represent our greatest hope.

You and I, as citizens, have the power to set this country’s course. You and I, as citizens, have the obligation to shape the debates of our time—not only with the votes we cast, but with the voices we lift in defense of our most ancient values and enduring ideals.

Let each of us now embrace, with solemn duty and awesome joy, what is our lasting birthright. With common effort and common purpose, with passion and dedication, let us answer the call of history, and carry into an uncertain future that precious light of freedom.

Thank you, God Bless you, and may He forever bless these United States of America.

謝謝，非常感謝大家。拜登副總統(tǒng)、首席大法官先生、國(guó)會(huì)議員們、尊敬的各位嘉賓、親愛的公民們：

每一次我們集會(huì)慶?？偨y(tǒng)就職都是在見證美國(guó)憲法的持久力量，都是在肯定美國(guó)民主的承諾。我們重申將這個(gè)國(guó)家緊密聯(lián)系在一起的不是我們的膚色，也不是我們信仰的教條，更不是我們名字的來(lái)源。讓我們與眾不同，讓我們成為美國(guó)人的是我們對(duì)于一種理念的恪守。二百多年前，這一理念在一篇宣言中被清晰闡述：“我們認(rèn)為下述真理是不言而喻的，人人生而平等。造物主賦予他們?nèi)舾刹豢蓜儕Z的權(quán)利，包括生存、自由和追求幸福的權(quán)利。”

今天，我們繼續(xù)著這一未竟的征程，架起這些理念與我們時(shí)代現(xiàn)實(shí)之間的橋梁。因?yàn)闅v史告訴我們，即便這些真理是不言而喻的，它們也從來(lái)不會(huì)自動(dòng)生效。因?yàn)殡m然自由是上帝賦予的禮物，但仍需要世間的子民去捍衛(wèi)。1776年，美國(guó)的愛國(guó)先驅(qū)們不是只為了推翻國(guó)王的暴政而戰(zhàn)，也不是為贏得少數(shù)人的特權(quán)，建立暴民的統(tǒng)治。先驅(qū)們留給我們一個(gè)共和國(guó)，一個(gè)民有、民治、民享的政府。他們委托每一代美國(guó)人捍衛(wèi)我們的建國(guó)信條。在過(guò)去的二百多年里，我們做到了。

從奴役的血腥枷鎖和刀劍的血光廝殺中我們懂得了，建立在自由與平等原則之上的聯(lián)邦不能永遠(yuǎn)維持半奴隸和半自由的狀態(tài)。我們贏得了新生，誓言共同前進(jìn)。

我們共同努力，建立起現(xiàn)代的經(jīng)濟(jì)體系。架設(shè)鐵路與高速公路，加速了旅行和商業(yè)交流。建立學(xué)校與大學(xué)，培訓(xùn)我們的工人。

我們一起發(fā)現(xiàn)，自由市場(chǎng)的繁榮只能建立在保障競(jìng)爭(zhēng)與公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的原則之上。

我們共同決定讓這個(gè)偉大的國(guó)家遠(yuǎn)離危險(xiǎn)，保護(hù)她的人民不受生命威脅和不幸的侵?jǐn)_。

一路走來(lái)，我們從未放棄對(duì)集權(quán)的質(zhì)疑。我們同樣不屈服于這一謊言：一切的社會(huì)弊端都只能夠靠政府來(lái)解決。我們對(duì)積極向上與奮發(fā)進(jìn)取的贊揚(yáng)，我們對(duì)努力工作與個(gè)人責(zé)任的堅(jiān)持，這些都是美國(guó)精神的基本要義。

我們也理解時(shí)代在變化，我們同樣需要變革。對(duì)建國(guó)精神的忠誠(chéng)，需要我們肩負(fù)起新的責(zé)任，迎接新的挑戰(zhàn)。保護(hù)我們的個(gè)人自由，最終需要所有人的共同努力。因?yàn)槊绹?guó)人不能再獨(dú)力迎接當(dāng)今世界的挑戰(zhàn)，正如美國(guó)士兵們不能再像先輩一樣，用步槍和民兵同敵人作戰(zhàn)。一個(gè)人無(wú)法培訓(xùn)所有的數(shù)學(xué)與科學(xué)老師，我們需要他們?yōu)榱宋磥?lái)去教育孩子們。一個(gè)人無(wú)法建設(shè)道路、鋪設(shè)網(wǎng)絡(luò)、建立實(shí)驗(yàn)室來(lái)為國(guó)內(nèi)帶來(lái)新的工作崗位和商業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。現(xiàn)在，與以往任何時(shí)候相比，我們都更需要團(tuán)結(jié)合作。作為一個(gè)國(guó)家，一個(gè)民族團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)。

這一代美國(guó)人經(jīng)歷了危機(jī)的考驗(yàn)，經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)堅(jiān)定了我們的決心，證明了我們的恢復(fù)力。長(zhǎng)達(dá)十年的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)正在結(jié)束，經(jīng)濟(jì)的復(fù)蘇已經(jīng)開始。美國(guó)的可能性是無(wú)限的，因?yàn)槲覀儞碛挟?dāng)今沒(méi)有邊界的世界所需要的所有品質(zhì)：年輕與活力、多樣性與開放、無(wú)窮的冒險(xiǎn)精神以及創(chuàng)造的天賦才能。我親愛的同胞們，我們正是為此刻而生，我們更要在此刻團(tuán)結(jié)一致，抓住當(dāng)下的機(jī)會(huì)。

因?yàn)槲覀?mdash;—美國(guó)人民清楚，如果只有越來(lái)越少的群體獲得成功，而大多數(shù)人不能成功，那么我們的國(guó)家就無(wú)法成功。我們相信，美國(guó)的繁榮必須建立在不斷壯大的中產(chǎn)階級(jí)的寬闊臂膀之上，我們知道只有這樣美國(guó)的繁榮才能實(shí)現(xiàn)。只有當(dāng)每個(gè)人都能找到工作中的獨(dú)立與自豪時(shí)才能實(shí)現(xiàn)。只有當(dāng)誠(chéng)實(shí)勞動(dòng)獲得的薪水足夠讓家庭擺脫困苦的懸崖時(shí)才能實(shí)現(xiàn)。我們忠誠(chéng)于我們的事業(yè)，保證讓一個(gè)出生于最貧窮環(huán)境中的小女孩都能知道，她有同其他所有人一樣的成功機(jī)會(huì)。因?yàn)樗且粋€(gè)美國(guó)人，她是自由的、平等的。她的自由平等不僅由上帝來(lái)見證，更由我們親手保護(hù)。

我們知道，我們已然陳舊的程序不足以滿足時(shí)代的需要。我們必須應(yīng)用新理念和新技術(shù)重塑我們的政府，改進(jìn)我們的稅法，改革我們的學(xué)校，讓我們的公民擁有他們所需要的技能，更加努力地工作，學(xué)更多的知識(shí)，向更高處發(fā)展。盡管這意味著變革，但我們的目標(biāo)是不變的：建設(shè)可以獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)每個(gè)美國(guó)人的努力和果斷的國(guó)家。這是現(xiàn)在需要的。這將給我們的信條賦予真正的意義。

我們——美國(guó)人民仍然認(rèn)為，每個(gè)公民都應(yīng)當(dāng)獲得基本的安全和尊嚴(yán)。我們必須做出艱難抉擇，降低醫(yī)療成本，縮減赤字規(guī)模。但我們拒絕在照顧建設(shè)國(guó)家的這一代和投資即將建設(shè)國(guó)家的下一代間做出選擇。因?yàn)槲覀冇浀眠^(guò)去的教訓(xùn)：老年人的夕陽(yáng)時(shí)光在貧困中度過(guò)，家有殘障兒童的父母無(wú)處求助。我們相信，在這個(gè)國(guó)家，自由不只是那些幸運(yùn)兒的專屬，或者說(shuō)幸福只屬于少數(shù)人。我們知道，不管我們?cè)鯓迂?fù)責(zé)任地生活，我們?nèi)魏稳嗽谌魏螘r(shí)候都可能面臨失業(yè)、突發(fā)疾病或住房被可怕的颶風(fēng)摧毀的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。我們通過(guò)醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)、聯(lián)邦醫(yī)療補(bǔ)助計(jì)劃、社會(huì)保障項(xiàng)目向每個(gè)人做出承諾，這些不會(huì)讓我們的創(chuàng)造力衰竭，而是會(huì)讓我們更強(qiáng)大。這些不會(huì)讓我們成為充滿不勞而獲者的國(guó)度，這些讓我們敢于承擔(dān)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，讓國(guó)家偉大。

我們——美國(guó)人民仍然相信，我們作為美國(guó)人的義務(wù)不只是對(duì)我們自己而言，還包括對(duì)子孫后代。我們將應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化的威脅，認(rèn)識(shí)到不采取措施應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化就是對(duì)我們的孩子和后代的背叛。一些人可能仍在否定科學(xué)界的壓倒性判斷，但沒(méi)有人能夠避免熊熊火災(zāi)、嚴(yán)重旱災(zāi)、更強(qiáng)力風(fēng)暴帶來(lái)的災(zāi)難性打擊。通向可再生能源利用的道路是漫長(zhǎng)的，有時(shí)是困難的。但美國(guó)不能抵制這種趨勢(shì)，我們必須引領(lǐng)這種趨勢(shì)。我們不能把制造新就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)和新行業(yè)的技術(shù)讓給其他國(guó)家，我們必須明確這一承諾。這是我們保持經(jīng)濟(jì)活力和國(guó)家財(cái)富(我們的森林和航道，我們的農(nóng)田與雪峰)的方法。這將是我們保護(hù)我們星球的辦法，上帝把這個(gè)星球托付給我們。這將給我們的建國(guó)之父?jìng)冊(cè)嫉男艞l賦予意義。

我們——美國(guó)人民仍然相信，持久的安全與和平不需要持續(xù)的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。我們勇敢的士兵經(jīng)受了戰(zhàn)火的考驗(yàn)，他們的技能和勇氣是無(wú)可匹敵的。我們的公民依然銘記著那些陣亡者，他們非常清楚我們?yōu)樽杂筛冻龅拇鷥r(jià)。明白他們的犧牲將讓我們永遠(yuǎn)對(duì)那些試圖傷害我們的勢(shì)力保持警惕。但我們也是那些贏得和平而不只是戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的人們的后代，他們將仇敵轉(zhuǎn)變成最可靠的朋友，我們也必須把這些經(jīng)驗(yàn)帶到這個(gè)時(shí)代。

我們將通過(guò)強(qiáng)大的軍力和法制保護(hù)我們的人民，捍衛(wèi)我們的價(jià)值觀。我們將展現(xiàn)試圖和平解決與其他國(guó)家分歧的勇氣，但這不是因?yàn)槲覀儗?duì)面臨的危險(xiǎn)持幼稚的態(tài)度，而是因?yàn)榻佑|能夠更持久地化解疑慮和恐懼。美國(guó)將在全球保持強(qiáng)大的聯(lián)盟，我們將更新這些能擴(kuò)展我們應(yīng)對(duì)海外危機(jī)能力的機(jī)制。因?yàn)樽鳛槭澜缟献顝?qiáng)大的國(guó)家，我們?cè)谑澜绾推椒矫鎿碛凶畲蟮睦?。我們將支持從亞洲到非洲、從美洲至中東的民主國(guó)家，因?yàn)槲覀兊睦婧土夹尿?qū)使我們代表那些想獲得自由的人們采取行動(dòng)。我們必須成為貧困者、病患者、被邊緣化的人士、異見受害者的希望來(lái)源，不僅僅是出于慈善，也是因?yàn)檫@個(gè)時(shí)代的和平需要不斷推進(jìn)我們共同信念中的原則：寬容和機(jī)遇，人類尊嚴(yán)與正義。

我們——美國(guó)人民，今天昭示的最明白的事實(shí)是——我們所有人都是生而平等的，這是依然引領(lǐng)我們的恒星。它引領(lǐng)我們的先輩穿越紐約塞尼卡瀑布城(女權(quán)抗議事件)、塞爾馬(黑人權(quán)力事件)和石墻騷亂(同性戀與警察發(fā)生的暴力事件);引領(lǐng)著所有的男性和女性，留下姓名和沒(méi)留姓名的人，在偉大的征程中一路上留下足跡的人。他們來(lái)聽牧師宣講，我們不能獨(dú)自前行。馬丁·路德·金說(shuō)，我們個(gè)人的自由與地球上每個(gè)靈魂的自由不可分割。

繼續(xù)先輩開創(chuàng)的事業(yè)是我們這代人的任務(wù)。我們的征途不會(huì)結(jié)束，直到我們的妻子、母親和女兒的所得能夠與她們的努力付出相稱。我們的征途不會(huì)結(jié)束，我們要讓同性戀的兄弟姐妹在法律之下得到與其他人同樣的待遇。如果我們真正是生而平等的，那么我們對(duì)彼此的愛也應(yīng)該是平等的。我們的征途不會(huì)結(jié)束，直到?jīng)]有公民需要等待數(shù)個(gè)小時(shí)去行使投票權(quán)。我們的征途不會(huì)結(jié)束，直到我們找到更好的方法迎接有憧憬的移民，他們依舊視美國(guó)是一塊充滿機(jī)會(huì)的土地，直到聰穎年輕的學(xué)生和工程師為我們所用，而不是被逐出美國(guó)。我們的征途不會(huì)結(jié)束，直到我們所有的兒童，從底特律的街道到阿巴拉契亞的山嶺，再到康涅狄格州紐鎮(zhèn)安靜的小巷，直到他們得到關(guān)心和珍視，永遠(yuǎn)避免受到傷害。

那是我們這一代的任務(wù)——讓生存、自由和追求幸福的言語(yǔ)、權(quán)力和價(jià)值切實(shí)體現(xiàn)在每個(gè)美國(guó)人的身上。我們的立國(guó)文件根本沒(méi)有要求我們將每個(gè)人的生活一致化。這并不意味著，我們會(huì)以完全一樣的方式去定義自由，沿著同樣的道路通向幸福。進(jìn)步不會(huì)終止幾個(gè)世紀(jì)以來(lái)一直糾結(jié)的關(guān)于政府角色的爭(zhēng)論，但這要求我們現(xiàn)在就采取行動(dòng)。

目前是由我們決策，我們不能拖延。我們不能將絕對(duì)主義當(dāng)作原則，或者以表象代替政治，或?qū)⒅袀曌骼硇缘霓q論。我們必須行動(dòng)，要意識(shí)到我們的工作并不完美。我們必須行動(dòng)，意識(shí)到今天的勝利是并不完全的。這些將有賴于未來(lái)四年、四十年或是四百年致力于這項(xiàng)事業(yè)的人，去推進(jìn)當(dāng)年在費(fèi)城制憲會(huì)議大廳傳承給我們的永恒精神。

我的美國(guó)同胞，我今天在你們面前宣讀的誓詞，如同在國(guó)會(huì)山服務(wù)的其他人曾宣讀過(guò)的誓詞一樣，是對(duì)上帝和國(guó)家的誓詞，不是對(duì)黨派或是派別的，我們必須在任期內(nèi)忠實(shí)地履行這些承諾。但我今天宣讀的誓詞與士兵報(bào)名參軍或者是移民實(shí)現(xiàn)夢(mèng)想時(shí)所宣讀的誓詞沒(méi)有多少差別。我的誓詞與我們所有的人向我們頭頂飄揚(yáng)的、讓我們心懷自豪的國(guó)旗所表達(dá)的誓言沒(méi)有多大差別。這些是公民的誓詞，代表著我們最偉大的希望。

你和我作為公民，都有為這個(gè)國(guó)家設(shè)定道路的權(quán)力。你和我作為公民，都有義務(wù)塑造我們時(shí)代的辯題，不僅是通過(guò)我們的選票，而且要為捍衛(wèi)悠久的價(jià)值觀和持久的理想發(fā)聲。

現(xiàn)在讓我們相互擁抱，懷著莊嚴(yán)的職責(zé)和無(wú)比的快樂(lè)，這是我們永恒的與生俱來(lái)的權(quán)利。有共同的努力和共同的目標(biāo)，用熱情與奉獻(xiàn)，讓我們回應(yīng)歷史的召喚，將珍貴的自由之光帶入并不確定的未來(lái)。

感謝你們，上帝保佑你們，愿上帝永遠(yuǎn)保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。

精彩語(yǔ)錄

Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.

從奴役的血腥枷鎖和刀劍的血光廝殺中我們懂得了，建立在自由與平等原則之上的聯(lián)邦不能永遠(yuǎn)維持半奴隸和半自由的狀態(tài)。我們贏得了新生，誓言共同前進(jìn)。

Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.

一路走來(lái)，我們從未放棄對(duì)集權(quán)的質(zhì)疑。我們同樣不屈服于這一謊言：一切的社會(huì)弊端都能夠只靠政府來(lái)解決。我們對(duì)積極向上與奮發(fā)進(jìn)取的贊揚(yáng)，我們對(duì)努力工作與個(gè)人責(zé)任的堅(jiān)持，這些都是美國(guó)精神的基本要義。

For we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. We believe that America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class. We know that America thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship.

因?yàn)槲覀?mdash;—美國(guó)人民清楚，如果只有越來(lái)越少的群體獲得成功，而大多數(shù)人不能成功，那么我們的國(guó)家就無(wú)法成功。我們相信，美國(guó)的繁榮必須建立在不斷壯大的中產(chǎn)階級(jí)的寬闊臂膀之上，我們知道只有這樣美國(guó)的繁榮才能實(shí)現(xiàn)。只有當(dāng)每個(gè)人都能找到工作中的獨(dú)立與自豪時(shí)才能實(shí)現(xiàn)。只有當(dāng)誠(chéng)實(shí)勞動(dòng)獲得的薪水足夠讓家庭擺脫困苦的懸崖時(shí)才能實(shí)現(xiàn)。

We, the people, still believe that enduring security and lasting peace do not require perpetual war. Our brave men and women in uniform, tempered by the flames of battle, are unmatched in skill and courage. Our citizens, seared by the memory of those we have lost, know too well the price that is paid for liberty. The knowledge of their sacrifice will keep us forever vigilant against those who would do us harm. But we are also heirs to those who won the peace and not just the war, who turned sworn enemies into the surest of friends, and we must carry those lessons into this time as well.

我們——美國(guó)人民，仍然相信持久的安全與和平不需要持續(xù)的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。我們勇敢的士兵經(jīng)受了戰(zhàn)火的考驗(yàn)，他們的技能和勇氣是無(wú)可匹敵的。我們的公民依然銘記著那些陣亡者，他們非常清楚我們?yōu)樽杂筛冻龅拇鷥r(jià)。明白他們的犧牲將讓我們永遠(yuǎn)對(duì)那些試圖傷害我們的勢(shì)力保持警惕。但我們也是那些贏得和平而不只是戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的人們的后代，他們將仇敵轉(zhuǎn)變成最可靠的朋友，我們也必須把這些經(jīng)驗(yàn)帶到這個(gè)時(shí)代。