奧巴馬于2004年在民主黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)的演講

背景介紹

美國(guó)民主黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)在每隔四年的選舉年舉行。該大會(huì)的三個(gè)主要功能是提名總統(tǒng)和副總統(tǒng)候選人，討論并通過黨的競(jìng)選綱領(lǐng)，制定黨的規(guī)則。來自全國(guó)五十個(gè)州、哥倫比亞特區(qū)和海外領(lǐng)地的代表、民主黨官員以及外國(guó)要人都會(huì)出席這一會(huì)議。

1824年，隨著推選總統(tǒng)和副總統(tǒng)候選人的黨團(tuán)會(huì)議制度變得岌岌可危，民主黨內(nèi)提出舉行全國(guó)代表大會(huì)的設(shè)想。1832年，民主黨首屆全國(guó)代表大會(huì)在馬里蘭州巴爾的摩召開，來自全國(guó)各地的代表投票選舉總統(tǒng)和副總統(tǒng)候選人。

近年來，民主黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)制度在本質(zhì)上發(fā)生了巨大變化。由于總統(tǒng)候選人和副總統(tǒng)候選人通常在會(huì)前已經(jīng)確定，代表們只是在大會(huì)上完成投票形式，而不會(huì)改變此前總統(tǒng)預(yù)選的結(jié)果。

通常，民主黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)持續(xù)四天。第一天用來完成一些例行事務(wù)，包括主題發(fā)言人講話;第二天，代表們討論并通過民主黨競(jìng)選綱領(lǐng)和其他規(guī)定;總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選人在第三天獲得正式提名;最后一天，副總統(tǒng)候選人獲提名，兩人隨即發(fā)表接受提名的演講。

要想獲得民主黨的提名是件非常困難的事情，2004年和奧巴馬一同競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的民主黨人一共有七位，其中最大的威脅莫過于布萊爾·豪爾(Blair Hull)。豪爾是一個(gè)富有的商人，計(jì)劃斥資數(shù)百萬角逐提名，來勢(shì)洶洶、志在必得。奧巴馬則采取穩(wěn)扎穩(wěn)打的戰(zhàn)術(shù)，他極力尋求非裔美國(guó)人和黨內(nèi)自由派人士的支持，其中包括著名的杰西·杰克遜牧師。拉什的堅(jiān)定支持者也是奧巴馬需要著力爭(zhēng)取的對(duì)象，當(dāng)年和拉什的選戰(zhàn)得不償失，許多拉什的鐵桿選民至今耿耿于懷。但是，奧巴馬也有自己的優(yōu)勢(shì)。所謂的為黑人著想、為人民服務(wù)的聲譽(yù)并非靠金錢和廣告堆起來的，奧巴馬勤懇服務(wù)社區(qū)的記錄和在州議會(huì)優(yōu)異的表現(xiàn)，有力地證明了自己的能力和誠(chéng)意。黑人群眾開始相信眼前這位有著白人血統(tǒng)的年輕人的確是他們最好的代言人，以前的質(zhì)疑煙消云散。對(duì)于白人來講，奧巴馬不是一個(gè)傳統(tǒng)的黑人，或者簡(jiǎn)直就是一個(gè)白人。他的母親一方祖祖輩輩都是白人，他接受過白人的精英教育。他在《哈佛法學(xué)評(píng)論》的往事被當(dāng)作傳奇交口傳誦，他似乎就是一個(gè)集中了一切優(yōu)點(diǎn)的選項(xiàng)。

最大的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手豪爾后來因?yàn)閭€(gè)人婚姻問題一蹶不振，這給了奧巴馬更大的機(jī)會(huì)。在應(yīng)對(duì)其他競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手的威脅時(shí)，奧巴馬的競(jìng)選團(tuán)隊(duì)發(fā)揮了巨大作用。阿克塞羅德在電視宣傳方面巧妙運(yùn)作，讓奧巴馬的公眾形象不斷提升，“是的，我們能!”(“Yes, we can”)一時(shí)間成為讓所有人為之激動(dòng)的競(jìng)選口號(hào)。奧巴馬的追隨者相信“是的，我們能”的確能夠?yàn)槊绹?guó)污濁的政治空氣帶來一陣清風(fēng)，能夠?yàn)槊癖姷纳顜韺?shí)實(shí)在在的改變。

雖然選舉結(jié)果揭曉之前，形勢(shì)對(duì)奧巴馬來說已經(jīng)非常有利，但最后結(jié)果還是讓許多人著實(shí)吃了一驚，95%的黑人站在了奧巴馬一邊，總選票的53%被收入囊中，奧巴馬在諸多對(duì)手中脫穎而出，一騎絕塵。在選舉結(jié)束之后的慶功宴上，人群里不斷發(fā)出“Yes, we can!Yes, we can!”的呼聲，這種發(fā)自內(nèi)心的支持和狂熱的場(chǎng)景是美國(guó)選舉多年未見的景象。為了這一勝利奧巴馬付出了很多，而且將付出更多。最大的付出莫過于如果最終當(dāng)選，他將遠(yuǎn)離自己的家人，長(zhǎng)期待在國(guó)會(huì)山。父親當(dāng)年只身前往哈佛求學(xué)的故事對(duì)于奧巴馬來說不只是一種崇拜而且還是禁忌。

現(xiàn)在，擋在奧巴馬國(guó)會(huì)參議員道路上的對(duì)手只剩下一個(gè)——共和黨的杰克·瑞安。但是杰克的競(jìng)選活動(dòng)一開始就不是很光彩，這也最終導(dǎo)致了他的失敗。為了了解奧巴馬的一舉一動(dòng)，杰克雇用了一個(gè)人全程跟蹤奧巴馬，還把奧巴馬的言行舉止用攝像機(jī)全拍了下來。這一行為顯然超出了合法競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，有侵犯隱私之嫌。奧巴馬巧妙地在最恰當(dāng)?shù)臅r(shí)間和地點(diǎn)向媒體揭露了杰克的這一伎倆，如饑似渴的新聞媒體哪能放過這個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)，第二天這件事情就上了報(bào)。杰克及其競(jìng)選團(tuán)隊(duì)不得不公開賠禮道歉，而杰克自己更是被這件事情以及自己的婚姻危機(jī)弄得灰頭土臉，與自己的參議員夢(mèng)想越來越遠(yuǎn)。

風(fēng)頭正勁的奧巴馬引起了民主黨大佬們的注意。受約翰·克里(John Kerry)之邀，奧巴馬出席了2004年民主黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)，并在大會(huì)上作基調(diào)演講“無畏的希望”，這對(duì)于奧巴馬來說意義非凡?；{(diào)演講表現(xiàn)的是該政黨、該政黨的總統(tǒng)候選人、該代表大會(huì)想向全國(guó)觀眾傳遞的思想或政策信息。能夠與前總統(tǒng)比爾·克林頓、杰西·杰克遜牧師和紐約州前州長(zhǎng)馬里奧·科莫同臺(tái)致辭，本身就是一種至高無上的榮譽(yù)。

2004年7月27日，面對(duì)五千余名代表，奧巴馬從自己的身世娓娓談起，展望美國(guó)未來的走向，整篇演講酣暢淋漓、妙語連珠，將大會(huì)帶向了高潮。

面對(duì)美國(guó)意識(shí)形態(tài)多極化、黨派政治日益突出的現(xiàn)狀，奧巴馬在演講中稱：“這里不存在一個(gè)自由派的美國(guó)和一個(gè)保守派的美國(guó)，而只有一個(gè)美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。這里不存在黑人的美國(guó)和白人的美國(guó)、拉美裔的美國(guó)和亞洲裔的美國(guó)，而只有美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。很多所謂的專家喜歡將我們的國(guó)家分成紅色的州和藍(lán)色的州：紅州是共和黨人的地盤，藍(lán)州是民主黨人的天下。但我要對(duì)他們說：我們藍(lán)州人信仰莊嚴(yán)的上帝，我們紅州人不喜歡聯(lián)邦政府的官員在圖書館打探我們的閱讀興趣。我們藍(lán)州人也給小棒球隊(duì)做教練，我們紅州人也有同性戀朋友。反對(duì)伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的是愛國(guó)者，支持伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的也是愛國(guó)者。我們是一個(gè)民族，所有人都宣誓效忠星條旗，所有人都捍衛(wèi)美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。”

奧巴馬憧憬一個(gè)融合團(tuán)結(jié)的美國(guó)，而不是一個(gè)四分五裂的美國(guó)，他大膽地說：“希望是上帝賜予我們的最好禮物，是這個(gè)民族的基石，是堅(jiān)信不曾見到的前景，是堅(jiān)信明天會(huì)更好。”

這種積極向上樂觀的精神感染了在場(chǎng)的所有聽眾，也感染了電視機(jī)前的美國(guó)人。可以說，十七分鐘的基調(diào)演講使奧巴馬一鳴驚人，成為民主黨最炙手可熱的政治明星，他從此邁向了全國(guó)的政治舞臺(tái)。

奧巴馬于2004年在民主黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)的演講

July 27, 2004

On behalf of the great state of Illinois, crossroads of a nation, land of Lincoln, let me express my deep gratitude for the privilege of addressing this convention. Tonight is a particular honor for me because, let’s face it, my presence on this stage is pretty unlikely. My father was a foreign student, born and raised in a small village in Kenya. He grew up herding goats, went to school in a tin-roof shack. His father, my grandfather, was a cook, a domestic servant.

But my grandfather had larger dreams for his son. Through hard work and perseverance my father got a scholarship to study in a magical place: America, which stood as a beacon of freedom and opportunity to so many who had come before. While studying here, my father met my mother. She was born in a town on the other side of the world, in Kansas. Her father worked on oil rigs and farms through most of the Depression. The day after Pearl Harbor he signed up for duty, joined Patton’s army and marched across Europe. Back home, my grandmother raised their baby and went to work on a bomber assembly line. After the war, they studied on the GI Bill, bought a house through FHA, and moved west in search of opportunity.

And they, too, had big dreams for their daughter, a common dream, born of two continents. My parents shared not only an improbable love; they shared an abiding faith in the possibilities of this nation. They would give me an African name, Barack, or "blessed," believing that in a tolerant America your name is no barrier to success. They imagined me going to the best schools in the land, even though they weren’t rich, because in a generous America you don’t have to be rich to achieve your potential. They are both passed away now. Yet, I know that, on this night, they look down on me with pride.

I stand here today, grateful for the diversity of my heritage, aware that my parents’ dreams live on in my precious daughters. I stand here knowing that my story is part of the larger American story, that I owe a debt to all of those who came before me, and that, in no other country on earth, is my story even possible. Tonight, we gather to affirm the greatness of our nation, not because of the height of our skyscrapers, or the power of our military, or the size of our economy. Our pride is based on a very simple premise, summed up in a declaration made over two hundred years ago, "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. That, they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights. That among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

That is the true genius of America, a faith in the simple dreams of its people, the insistence on small miracles. That we can tuck in our children at night and know they are fed and clothed and safe from harm. That we can say what we think, write what we think, without hearing a sudden knock on the door. That we can have an idea and start our own business without paying a bribe or hiring somebody’s son. That we can participate in the political process without fear of retribution, and that our votes will he counted—or at least, most of the time.

This year, in this election, we are called to reaffirm our values and commitments, to hold them against a hard reality and see how we are measuring up, to the legacy of our forbearers, and the promise of future generations. And fellow Americans—Democrats, Republicans, Independents—I say to you tonight: we have more work to do. More to do for the workers I met in Illinois, who are losing their union jobs at the Maytag plant that’s moving to Mexico, and now are having to compete with their own children for jobs that pay seven bucks an hour. More to do for the father I met who was losing his job and choking back tears, wondering how he would pay $4,500 a month for the drugs his son needs without the health benefits he counted on. More to do for the young woman in East St. Louis, and thousands more like her, who has the grades, has the drive, has the will, but doesn’t have the money to go to college.

Don’t get me wrong. The people I meet in small towns and big cities, in diners and office parks, they don’t expect government to solve all their problems. They know they have to work hard to get ahead and they want to. Go into the collar counties around Chicago, and people will tell you they don’t want their tax money wasted by a welfare agency or the Pentagon. Go into any inner city neighborhood, and folks will tell you that government alone can’t teach kids to learn. They know that parents have to parent, that children can’t achieve unless we raise their expectations and turn off the television sets and eradicate the slander that says a black youth with a book is acting white. No, people don’t expect government to solve all their problems. But they sense, deep in their bones, that with just a change in priorities, we can make sure that every child in America has a decent shot at life, and that the doors of opportunity remain open to all. They know we can do better. And they want that choice.

In this election, we offer that choice. Our party has chosen a man to lead us who embodies the best this country has to offer. That man is John Kerry. John Kerry understands the ideals of community, faith, and sacrifice, because they’ve defined his life. From his heroic service in Vietnam to his years as prosecutor and lieutenant governor, through two decades in the United States Senate, he has devoted himself to this country. Again and again, we’ve seen him make tough choices when easier ones were available. His values and his record affirm what is best in us.

John Kerry believes in an America where hard work is rewarded. So instead of offering tax breaks to companies shipping jobs overseas, he’ll offer them to companies creating jobs here at home. John Kerry believes in an America where all Americans can afford the same health coverage our politicians in Washington have for themselves. John Kerry believes in energy independence, so we aren’t held hostage to the profits of oil companies or the sabotage of foreign oil fields. John Kerry believes in the constitutional freedoms that have made our country the envy of the world, and he will never sacrifice our basic liberties nor use faith as a wedge to divide us. And John Kerry believes that in a dangerous world, war must be an option, but it should never be the first option.

A while back, I met a young man named Shamus at the VFW Hall in East Moline, Illinois. He was a good-looking kid, six-two or six-three, clear-eyed, with an easy smile. He told me he’d joined the Marines and was heading to Iraq the following week. As I listened to him explain why he’d enlisted, his absolute faith in our country and its leaders, his devotion to duty and service, I thought this young man was all any of us might hope for in a child. But then I asked myself: Are we serving Shamus as well as he was serving us? I thought of more than 900 service men and women, sons and daughters, husbands and wives, friends and neighbors, who will not be returning to their hometowns. I thought of families I had met who were struggling to get by without a loved one’s full income, or whose loved ones had returned with a limb missing or with nerves shattered, but who still lacked long-term health benefits because they were reservists. When we send our young men and women into harm’s way, we have a solemn obligation not to fudge the numbers or shade the truth about why they’re going, to care for their families while they’re gone, to tend to the soldiers upon their return, and to never ever go to war without enough troops to win the war, secure the peace, and earn the respect of the world.

Now let me be clear. We have real enemies in the world. These enemies must be found. They must be pursued and they must be defeated. John Kerry knows this. And just as Lieutenant Kerry did not hesitate to risk his life to protect the men who served with him in Vietnam, President Kerry will not hesitate one moment to use our military might to keep America safe and secure. John Kerry believes in America. And he knows it’s not enough for just some of us to prosper. For alongside our famous individualism, there’s another ingredient in the American saga.

A belief that we are connected as one people. If there’s a child on the south side of Chicago who can’t read, that matters to me, even if it’s not my child. If there’s a senior citizen somewhere who can’t pay for her prescription and has to choose between medicine and the rent, that makes my life poorer, even if it’s not my grandmother. If there’s an Arab American family being rounded up without benefit of an attorney or due process, that threatens my civil liberties. It’s that fundamental belief—I am my brother’s keeper, I am my sister’s keeper—that makes this country work. It’s what allows us to pursue our individual dreams, yet still come together as a single American family. "Epluribus unum." Out of many, one.

Yet even as we speak, there are those who are preparing to divide us, the spin masters and negative ad peddlers who embrace the politics of anything goes. Well, I say to them tonight, there’s not a liberal America and a conservative America—there’s the United States of America. There’s not a black America and white America and Latino America and Asian America; there’s the United States of America. The pundits like to slice-and-dice our country into Red States and Blue States; Red States for Republicans, Blue States for Democrats. But I’ve got news for them, too. We worship an awesome God in the Blue States, and we don’t like federal agents poking around our libraries in the Red States. We coach Little League in the Blue States and have gay friends in the Red States. There are patriots who opposed the war in Iraq and patriots who supported it. We are one people, all of us pledging allegiance to the stars and stripes, all of us defending the United States of America.

In the end, that’s what this election is about. Do we participate in a politics of cynicism or a politics of hope? John Kerry calls on us to hope. John Edwards calls on us to hope. I’m not talking about blind optimism here—the almost willful ignorance that thinks unemployment will go away if we just don’t talk about it, or the health care crisis will solve itself if we just ignore it. No, I’m talking about something more substantial. It’s the hope of slaves sitting around a fire singing freedom songs; the hope of immigrants setting out for distant shores; the hope of a young naval lieutenant bravely patrolling the Mekong Delta; the hope of a millworker’s son who dares to defy the odds; the hope of a skinny kid with a funny name who believes that America has a place for him, too. The audacity of hope!

In the end, that is God’s greatest gift to us, the bedrock of this nation; the belief in things not seen; the belief that there are better days ahead. I believe we can give our middle class relief and provide working families with a road to opportunity. I believe we can provide jobs to the jobless, homes to the homeless, and reclaim young people in cities across America from violence and despair. I believe that as we stand on the crossroads of history, we can make the right choices, and meet the challenges that face us. America!

Tonight, if you feel the same energy I do, the same urgency I do, the same passion I do, the same hopefulness I do—if we do what we must do, then I have no doubt that all across the country, from Florida to Oregon, from Washington to Maine, the people will rise up in November, and John Kerry will be sworn in as president, and John Edwards will be sworn in as vice president, and this country will reclaim its promise, and out of this long political darkness a brighter day will come. Thank you and God bless you.

2004年7月27日

偉大的伊利諾伊州既是全國(guó)的交通樞紐，也是林肯的故鄉(xiāng)。作為州代表,今天我將在大會(huì)致詞，并為自己能有幸獲此殊榮而倍感驕傲和自豪。今晚對(duì)我而言頗不尋常，我們得承認(rèn)，我能站在這里本身就已意義非凡。我父親是一個(gè)外國(guó)留學(xué)生，他原本生于肯尼亞的一個(gè)小村莊，并在那里長(zhǎng)大成人。他小的時(shí)候放過羊，上的學(xué)校簡(jiǎn)陋不堪，屋頂上僅有塊鐵皮來遮風(fēng)擋雨。而他的父親也就是我的祖父，不過是個(gè)普通的廚子，還做過家傭。

但祖父對(duì)父親抱以厚望。憑借不懈的努力和堅(jiān)韌不拔的毅力，父親獲得赴美留學(xué)的機(jī)會(huì)，而且還拿到獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金。美國(guó)這片神奇的土地，對(duì)于很多踏上這片國(guó)土的人而言，意味著自由和機(jī)遇。在留學(xué)期間，父親與母親不期而遇。母親來自完全不同的另一個(gè)世界，她生于堪薩斯的一個(gè)小鎮(zhèn)。大蕭條時(shí)期，外祖父為謀生計(jì)，曾在石油鉆井打工，還曾在農(nóng)場(chǎng)務(wù)農(nóng)。日軍偷襲珍珠港后的第二天，他就自愿應(yīng)征入伍，在巴頓將軍麾下，轉(zhuǎn)戰(zhàn)南北，橫掃歐洲。在后方的家中，外祖母含辛茹苦，撫養(yǎng)子女，并在轟炸機(jī)裝配線上找了份活計(jì)。戰(zhàn)后，依據(jù)士兵安置法案他們上了學(xué)，安置通過聯(lián)邦住宅管理局購(gòu)置了一套房子，并舉家西遷，謀求更大發(fā)展。

他們對(duì)自己的女兒也寄予厚望，兩家人雖然身在不同的非洲和美洲大陸，卻有著共同的夢(mèng)想。我的父母不僅不可思議地彼此相愛，而且還對(duì)這個(gè)國(guó)家有著不變的信念。他們賜予我一個(gè)非洲名字貝拉克，意為“上天福佑”，因?yàn)樗麄兿嘈?，在如此包容的?guó)度中，這樣的名字不會(huì)成為成功的羈絆。盡管他們生活并不寬裕，還是想方設(shè)法讓我接受當(dāng)?shù)刈詈玫慕逃?，因?yàn)樵谶@樣一個(gè)慷慨的國(guó)度中，無論貧富貴賤，都同樣有機(jī)會(huì)發(fā)展個(gè)人的潛力。現(xiàn)在他們都已不在人世，不過，我知道他們的在天之靈，此時(shí)此刻正在驕傲地注視著我。

今天，我站在這里，對(duì)自己身上這種特殊的血統(tǒng)心懷感激，而且我知道，父母的夢(mèng)想將在我的寶貝女兒身上延續(xù);我站在這里，深知自己的經(jīng)歷只是千百萬美國(guó)故事中的一個(gè)，更深知自己無法忘卻那些更早踏上這片土地的先人，因?yàn)槿舨皇窃诿绹?guó)，我的故事無論如何都不可能發(fā)生。今夜，我們聚集一堂，再次證明這個(gè)國(guó)度的偉大之處，并不在于鱗次櫛比的摩天大廈，也不在于傲視群雄的軍事實(shí)力，更不在于穩(wěn)健雄厚的經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)力。我們的自豪與榮耀來自一個(gè)非常簡(jiǎn)單的前提，兩百多年前，它在一個(gè)著名的宣言中得以高度的概括：“我們認(rèn)為以下真理不言而喻，人生來平等，造物主賜予他們以下不可剝奪的權(quán)利：生命、自由和對(duì)幸福的追求。”

這才是真正的美國(guó)智慧，堅(jiān)信自己的國(guó)民有著樸素?zé)o華的夢(mèng)想，堅(jiān)信點(diǎn)滴的奇跡終會(huì)出現(xiàn)在身邊。入夜，當(dāng)我們?yōu)楹⒆右春眯”坏耐瑫r(shí)，相信他們不會(huì)為缺少衣食所累，不會(huì)為安全擔(dān)憂。我們可以暢所欲言，無需擔(dān)心不速之客會(huì)不請(qǐng)自來。我們有靈感，有想法，可以去實(shí)現(xiàn)，去創(chuàng)業(yè)，無須行賄或雇傭某些人物的子女作為條件。我們可以參政議政，不必?fù)?dān)心打擊報(bào)復(fù)，我們的選票至關(guān)重要，至少多數(shù)情況下都是如此。

在今年的選舉中，我們要特別重申我們主張的價(jià)值和肩負(fù)的責(zé)任，以此來應(yīng)對(duì)當(dāng)下的艱難現(xiàn)實(shí)，了解怎樣才能更好秉承前輩的遺產(chǎn)，實(shí)現(xiàn)對(duì)子孫的承諾。諸位美國(guó)國(guó)民，無論你是民主黨，還是共和黨，抑或是無黨派人士，今晚我想對(duì)大家說的是：我們需要做的事情還有很多很多。在伊利諾伊州,由于Maytag洗衣機(jī)廠要遷至墨西哥，很多工人將失去工作，他們現(xiàn)在唯一的選擇就是和自己的子女去競(jìng)爭(zhēng)每小時(shí)7美元的低薪工作。我曾遇到一位強(qiáng)忍淚水的父親，他丟掉了工作，沒有了經(jīng)濟(jì)來源，不知怎樣才能為兒子支付得起每月4500美元的高昂醫(yī)藥費(fèi)用，本可救命的醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)對(duì)他而言卻遙不可及。在東圣路易斯市，有這樣一個(gè)年輕女孩，她品學(xué)兼優(yōu)，成績(jī)出色，卻因?yàn)闆]有錢，而與大學(xué)無緣。而像她這樣的孩子還有千千萬萬，我們應(yīng)該為他們做點(diǎn)什么?

請(qǐng)正面理解我的意思。我在城市與鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)，在餐廳和辦公樓停車場(chǎng)，接觸過很多民眾，他們并不期待由政府出面幫他們排憂解難。他們清楚地意識(shí)到，需要通過努力工作，去面對(duì)和解決所有的問題，而這也確實(shí)是他們真實(shí)的想法和愿望。走進(jìn)芝加哥周邊的城鎮(zhèn)，大家會(huì)告訴你，希望自己繳納的稅款能夠物盡其用，而不是讓社會(huì)保障機(jī)構(gòu)或五角大樓任意支配。走進(jìn)市中心的街區(qū)，大家會(huì)告訴你，讓孩子好好讀書不能僅僅依靠政府的力量，父母也要盡職盡責(zé)，培養(yǎng)下一代，不能讓孩子整天沉溺于電視。對(duì)于黑人而言，更要和白人一樣，讓子女有接受教育的權(quán)利，而不是相反。人們并不期望依賴政府來解決所有問題，但他們真誠(chéng)地認(rèn)為，只要政府的工作重點(diǎn)有所調(diào)整，就可以使每個(gè)孩子都能奮發(fā)圖強(qiáng)，積極向上，機(jī)遇大門仍舊向每個(gè)人敞開。他們深知我們有能力做得更好，他們同樣希望如此。

在本次選舉中，我們提供了這樣的選擇。民主黨已選出一國(guó)之中品行最為高尚的人作為我們的領(lǐng)袖，他就是約翰·克里，他深刻地領(lǐng)悟了社區(qū)、信念和獻(xiàn)身精神這些崇高的理想，因?yàn)檫@些鑄就了他生命的全部。他曾在越南英勇作戰(zhàn)，回國(guó)后出任過檢察官和副州長(zhǎng)，在美國(guó)參議院度過了二十個(gè)春秋，把全部精力都投入到維國(guó)家工作之中。多少次他面對(duì)艱難抉擇，知難而上，不畏艱險(xiǎn)，他的閱歷和品行為我們樹立了榜樣。

約翰·克里堅(jiān)信在美國(guó)付出就會(huì)有回報(bào)，因此，對(duì)于那些在本土創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)的公司，他會(huì)在稅收上給與優(yōu)惠，而將工作機(jī)會(huì)輸送到海外的公司則不會(huì)享受到如此待遇。他堅(jiān)信美國(guó)應(yīng)該實(shí)現(xiàn)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)，對(duì)普通百姓和華盛頓的政治家都一視同仁。他堅(jiān)信能源自主的重要性，因此我們不會(huì)再因石油公司對(duì)利潤(rùn)的追求，或國(guó)外油田被破壞而受到威脅。他堅(jiān)信美國(guó)應(yīng)該成為世人艷羨的國(guó)度，因?yàn)閲?guó)民的自由受到憲法的保護(hù)。他永遠(yuǎn)都不會(huì)讓大家的基本自由受到影響，更不會(huì)以信仰為借口來制造分裂。他堅(jiān)信當(dāng)今世界的確存在危險(xiǎn)因素，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)在所難免，但戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)成為解決爭(zhēng)端的首選。

前不久，在伊利諾伊州東莫林市的外戰(zhàn)老兵俱樂部里，我偶遇一個(gè)年輕人，他叫沙莫斯，身高足有兩米，相貌英俊，目光清澈，笑容可掬。他說自己加入了海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊(duì),一周后就將進(jìn)駐伊拉克。當(dāng)我聽他講述入伍的原因時(shí)，他講到了對(duì)我們國(guó)家和領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的絕對(duì)信賴，對(duì)軍隊(duì)的忠誠(chéng)以及自身強(qiáng)烈的責(zé)任感，這讓我感受到他身上具備的優(yōu)良品質(zhì)正是我們對(duì)子女所期待的。然而，當(dāng)我捫心自問：我們?yōu)樗龅囊磺?，是否能與他的付出相當(dāng)呢?我想到這次戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中已有九百多名軍人戰(zhàn)死沙場(chǎng)，他們也有自己的家人和鄰友，也許已是為人父母，還有年邁的雙親，卻再也無法回到這些關(guān)愛他們的人身邊。我想到自己遇到的那些家庭，他們或是要應(yīng)對(duì)親人陣亡，收入銳減所帶來的經(jīng)濟(jì)窘境，或是要面對(duì)肢體殘缺，甚至精神崩潰的家人復(fù)員歸來，卻因其預(yù)備役軍人的身份而無法享受長(zhǎng)期的醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)。當(dāng)這些可愛的年輕人舍身踏上征程，我們責(zé)無旁貸地要確認(rèn)做出出兵決定的所有數(shù)據(jù)和理由是否確鑿無誤;我們責(zé)無旁貸地要替他們照顧好家人，當(dāng)他們榮歸故里時(shí)，要關(guān)照他們的生活;當(dāng)決定要介入戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、保衛(wèi)和平和贏得世界的尊重時(shí)，我們責(zé)無旁貸地要派駐足夠數(shù)量的軍隊(duì)，以確保戰(zhàn)士們能凱旋而歸。

請(qǐng)?jiān)试S我闡明下述觀點(diǎn)：在世界上，確實(shí)有人與我們?yōu)閿常覀儽仨氄业剿麄?，并予以?jiān)決打擊。約翰·克里深知這一點(diǎn)，正如身為上尉的他在越南戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上出生入死，保護(hù)自己的下屬一樣，若他身為總統(tǒng)，也同樣會(huì)義無反顧地運(yùn)用軍隊(duì)力量確保國(guó)家的安全。他對(duì)美國(guó)充滿信心，而且深知僅有部分公民實(shí)現(xiàn)生活的富足還遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不夠，是與我們聞名于世的個(gè)人主義相伴的另一種元素，才使得美國(guó)史冊(cè)熠熠生輝。

這就是我們作為一個(gè)民族榮辱與共的信仰。假如，芝加哥南部的一個(gè)孩子無法讀書識(shí)字，即便他與我非親非故，我也會(huì)心懷忐忑。如果有位老人因無法支付高昂的醫(yī)療費(fèi)用，不得不在治病和租房之間痛苦抉擇，即便她與我素未謀面，我也會(huì)如坐針氈。假如，一個(gè)阿拉伯裔的美國(guó)家庭未經(jīng)律師辯護(hù)，或訴訟程序就遭受不公正待遇，同樣會(huì)讓我寢食難安。正是這個(gè)基本信仰讓這個(gè)國(guó)家發(fā)展到今天：我們都是一家人，我們都是兄弟姐妹。正是這個(gè)信仰才讓我們?cè)趯?shí)現(xiàn)個(gè)人夢(mèng)想的同時(shí)，成為一個(gè)美利堅(jiān)大家庭，合眾為一。

當(dāng)我們?cè)谶@里聚會(huì)的時(shí)候，也有人正準(zhǔn)備分裂我們，那些操縱輿論的人和制作負(fù)面宣傳的人，他們投身沒有原則和不擇手段的政治。今晚，我需要對(duì)這些人講的是，美國(guó)人沒有所謂自由和保守之分，世間只存在一個(gè)美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。沒有所謂美國(guó)白人和黑人之分，拉丁裔和亞裔之分，有的只是美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)一國(guó)的國(guó)民。有評(píng)論員愿意將我們的國(guó)家分成紅藍(lán)兩色，紅色代表共和黨，藍(lán)色代表民主黨。但我想說的是即便是民主黨也都信奉萬能的主，即便是共和黨也不喜歡聯(lián)邦警探對(duì)我們的藏書指指點(diǎn)點(diǎn)，民主黨中也有人執(zhí)教少年棒球聯(lián)盟，共和黨中也有同性戀朋友，有愛國(guó)人士支持伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，也有愛國(guó)人士反對(duì)就伊出兵。我們都是一國(guó)之民，都效忠于偉大的星條旗，所有的人都熱愛我們的祖國(guó)美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。

說到底，這才是本次選舉的意義所在：我們所參與的政治應(yīng)該是憤世嫉俗還是充滿希望?約翰·克里號(hào)召我們要對(duì)未來滿懷希望，這并不是說要盲目樂觀，以為只要不談?wù)撌I(yè)問題，這個(gè)問題就會(huì)自行消失;認(rèn)為只要無視醫(yī)療危機(jī)的存在，它也會(huì)煙消云散。我所談的是更為根本的問題。是因?yàn)榇嬖谙Ｍ?，奴隸們才會(huì)圍坐在火堆邊，吟唱自由之歌;是因?yàn)榇嬖谙Ｍ?，才使得人們?cè)敢膺h(yuǎn)涉重洋，移民他鄉(xiāng);是因?yàn)橄Ｍ贻p的海軍上尉才會(huì)在湄公河三角洲勇敢地巡邏;是因?yàn)橄Ｍ?，出身工人家庭的孩子才?huì)敢于挑戰(zhàn)自己所處的逆境;是因?yàn)橄Ｍ?，一個(gè)名字怪怪的瘦小子才相信美國(guó)這片熱土上也有自己的容身之地。這就是無畏的希望。

最后，感謝上蒼賜予我們最好的禮物，也就是這個(gè)國(guó)家賴以生存的基石。因?yàn)槲覀兿嘈抛詈玫臇|西尚未出現(xiàn)，更好的日子就在明天。我相信我們可以為中產(chǎn)階級(jí)減負(fù)，讓工人家庭走上希望之路;我相信我們可以為無業(yè)者創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，為無家可歸者帶來可以遮風(fēng)擋雨的房屋，讓美國(guó)城市中的年輕人從暴力和絕望的陰影中走出來;我相信今天的我們就站在歷史的十字街頭，我們可以做出正確的選擇，迎接面臨的挑戰(zhàn)。

今晚，如果你能感同身受，有和我一樣的的力量、急迫感、沖動(dòng)和希望;如果我們都去做我們必須要做的，那么我相信，從佛羅里達(dá)到俄勒岡，從華盛頓到緬因州，全國(guó)人民將會(huì)在11月積極行動(dòng)起來，使約翰·克里、約翰·愛德華茲分別宣誓就任總統(tǒng)、副總統(tǒng)之職，而國(guó)家也將就此走出低谷、重振旗鼓。暗夜即將過去，黎明即將到來。謝謝大家，愿上帝保佑你們。

精彩語錄

The greatness of our nation, not because of the height of our skyscrapers, or the power of our military, or the size of our economy. Our pride is based on a very simple premise, summed up in a declaration made over two hundred years ago, "We hold these truths to he self-evident, that all men are created equal. That they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights. That among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

這個(gè)國(guó)度的偉大之處，并不在于鱗次櫛比的摩天大廈，也不在于傲視群雄的軍事實(shí)力，更不在于穩(wěn)健雄厚的經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)力。我們的自豪與榮耀來自一個(gè)非常簡(jiǎn)單的前提，兩百多年前，它在一個(gè)著名的宣言中得以高度的概括：“我們認(rèn)為以下真理不言而喻，人生來平等，造物主賜予他們以下不可剝奪的權(quán)利：生命、自由和對(duì)幸福的追求。”

That is the true genius of America, a faith in the simple dreams of its people, the insistence on small miracles.

這才是真正的美國(guó)智慧，堅(jiān)信自己的國(guó)民有著樸素?zé)o華的夢(mèng)想，堅(jiān)信點(diǎn)滴的奇跡終會(huì)出現(xiàn)在身邊。

We have real enemies in the world. These enemies must be found. They must be pursued and they must be defeated.

在世界上，確實(shí)有人與我們?yōu)閿?，我們必須找到他們，并予以?jiān)決打擊。

There’s not a liberal America and a conservative America—there’s the United States of America. There’s not a black America and white America and Latino America and Asian America; there’s the United States of America.

美國(guó)人沒有所謂自由和保守之分，世間只存在一個(gè)美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。沒有所謂美國(guó)白人和黑人之分，拉丁裔和亞裔之分，有的只是美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)一國(guó)的國(guó)民。

That is God’s greatest gift to us, the bedrock of this nation; the belief in things not seen; the belief that there are better days ahead. I believe we can give our middle class relief and provide working families with a road to opportunity. I believe we can provide jobs to the jobless, homes to the homeless, and reclaim young people in cities across America from violence and despair. I believe that as we stand on the crossroads of history, we can make the right choices, and meet the challenges that face us. America!

感謝上蒼賜予我們最好的禮物，也就是這個(gè)國(guó)家賴以生存的基石。因?yàn)槲覀兿嘈抛詈玫臇|西尚未出現(xiàn)，更好的日子就在明天。我相信我們可以為中產(chǎn)階級(jí)減負(fù)，讓工人家庭走上希望之路;我相信我們可以為無業(yè)者創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，為無家可歸者帶來可以遮風(fēng)擋雨的房屋，讓美國(guó)城市中的年輕人從暴力和絕望的陰影中走出來;我相信今天的我們就站在歷史的十字街頭，我們可以做出正確的選擇，迎接面臨的挑戰(zhàn)。