富蘭克林·羅斯福演講稿：四大自由（中英文）

 

富蘭克林·羅斯福演講稿：四大自由 The Four Freedoms

演講時(shí)間：1941年1月6日

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羅斯福演講稿：四大自由 (英文版)

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

羅斯福演講稿：四大自由 (中文版)

總統(tǒng)先生，議長(zhǎng)先生，第七十七屆國(guó)會(huì)的成員：

我你的地址，這個(gè)新的國(guó)會(huì)議員，在聯(lián)盟的歷史上前所未有的時(shí)刻。我用“空前的”，因?yàn)橐郧皼](méi)有已被視為美國(guó)的安全受到嚴(yán)重威脅從沒(méi)有像今天。

由于永久性形成了我國(guó)政府在憲法中的1789，大部分在我國(guó)歷史上危機(jī)時(shí)期國(guó)內(nèi)事務(wù)有關(guān)的。而且，幸運(yùn)的是，其中只有一個(gè)——國(guó)家之間的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)4年——威脅過(guò)我們的民族團(tuán)結(jié)。今天，感謝上帝，130000000的美國(guó)人在48個(gè)國(guó)家已經(jīng)忘記了指南針在國(guó)家的統(tǒng)一。

這是真的，之前的1914美國(guó)經(jīng)常被其他大洲事件干擾。我們甚至已經(jīng)與歐洲國(guó)家進(jìn)行過(guò)兩場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，在西印度群島中一些未宣戰(zhàn)的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，在地中海和太平洋，為維護(hù)美國(guó)的權(quán)利以及和平貿(mào)易的原則。但是沒(méi)有一個(gè)嚴(yán)重的威脅，提出了對(duì)我們國(guó)家的安全和持續(xù)的獨(dú)立性。

我想要說(shuō)的是，美國(guó)作為一個(gè)國(guó)家已在所有時(shí)間保持反對(duì)黨——清楚歷史真相，明確反對(duì)——任何企圖把我們鎖在一個(gè)古老的中國(guó)墻的后面，而游行的文明到過(guò)去。今天，考慮到我們的孩子和他們的孩子，我們反對(duì)強(qiáng)制隔離，為自己或?yàn)槊乐薜钠渌魏尾糠帧?/p>

我們的決心，在過(guò)去的這些年，被證明，例如，在早期的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的四分之一世紀(jì)在法國(guó)革命之后。雖然拿破侖的斗爭(zhēng)，并威脅到了美國(guó)的利益，因?yàn)樵谖饔《热簫u的法國(guó)的立足點(diǎn)，在路易斯安那，當(dāng)我們從事1812戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)來(lái)維護(hù)我們的和平貿(mào)易的權(quán)利，它仍然是明確的，無(wú)論是法國(guó)或英國(guó)或其他國(guó)家都不可能主宰整個(gè)世界。

和喜歡時(shí)尚，從1815到1914——九十九年——沒(méi)有一個(gè)單一的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)在歐洲或亞洲的一個(gè)真正的威脅，對(duì)我們未來(lái)的或與美國(guó)其他民族的未來(lái)構(gòu)成。

除了在墨西哥的馬西米蘭的插曲，沒(méi)有外國(guó)勢(shì)力試圖建立自己在這個(gè)半球。在大西洋的英國(guó)艦隊(duì)實(shí)力一直友好的力量;它仍然是一個(gè)友好的力量。

即使世界大戰(zhàn)爆發(fā)于1914，它似乎只包含小的危險(xiǎn)，我們美國(guó)的未來(lái)。但隨著時(shí)間的推移，我們記得，美國(guó)人民開(kāi)始想象什么民主國(guó)家的垮臺(tái)意味著我們自己的民主。

我們不必過(guò)分強(qiáng)調(diào)凡爾賽和約的缺陷。我們不需要強(qiáng)調(diào)民主的失敗來(lái)解決世界重建問(wèn)題。我們應(yīng)該記住，1919的和平比綏靖開(kāi)始甚至在慕尼黑這種不公平的，而且這是正在進(jìn)行的新的專(zhuān)制秩序，尋求遍布各大洲今天下。美國(guó)人民堅(jiān)定不移地反對(duì)那種專(zhuān)制。

我想，每一個(gè)現(xiàn)實(shí)主義者都知道，民主的生活方式在這一刻被直接地在世界的每一個(gè)部分——攻擊或是武器或是秘密的那些試圖破壞團(tuán)結(jié)，促進(jìn)不和在仍處于和平的各國(guó)有毒的宣傳。在16個(gè)月的時(shí)間內(nèi)，這種攻擊已涂抹在獨(dú)立的國(guó)家數(shù)目驚人的民主生活的整體格局，大的和小的。這些攻擊者還在進(jìn)軍，威脅其他國(guó)家，大的和小的。

因此，作為你們的總統(tǒng)，履行憲法賦予我的職責(zé)”給了聯(lián)盟國(guó)家的國(guó)會(huì)的信息，“我很不幸的是必要的報(bào)告，我們國(guó)家的未來(lái)和安全以及我們的民主制度是壓倒性的參與遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超出我們的邊境事件。

民主捍衛(wèi)著現(xiàn)在四大洲的人民正在勇敢。如果辯護(hù)失敗，所有的人口與歐洲和亞洲的所有資源，非洲及澳洲將被征服者。讓我們記住這四大洲的人口總數(shù)，總的人口和資源大大超過(guò)了人口的總和，西半球的整個(gè)資源——是的，很多次。

在這樣的時(shí)代是不成熟和不真實(shí)的————，順便說(shuō)一句，任何人吹牛說(shuō)一個(gè)還沒(méi)有準(zhǔn)備好的美國(guó)，獨(dú)自用一只手綁在背后，可以控制整個(gè)世界。

任何現(xiàn)實(shí)的美國(guó)人都不能期望從一個(gè)獨(dú)裁者的和平國(guó)際慷慨，或恢復(fù)真正的獨(dú)立，或世界裁軍，或言論自由，或宗教信仰自由——甚至是良好的業(yè)務(wù)。這樣的和平將給我們或者我們的鄰國(guó)帶來(lái)不安全。那些愿意放棄基本自由來(lái)?yè)Q取一點(diǎn)臨時(shí)安全的人不配享有自由和安全。

作為一個(gè)國(guó)家，我們可以在事實(shí)上，我們是仁慈的驕傲;但我們不能成為愚蠢。我們必須永遠(yuǎn)警惕那些敲鑼打鼓宣傳“主義”的綏靖政策。我們必須特別小心那一小撮自私自利的人會(huì)夾美國(guó)鷹的翅膀?yàn)榱酥酗査侥摇?/p>

我最近曾指出，現(xiàn)代戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的節(jié)奏多快能把我們中間的物理攻擊，我們最終必須如果獨(dú)裁國(guó)家打贏這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的期望。

我們立即和直接浸潤(rùn)的免疫多談松飄洋過(guò)海。顯然，只要英國(guó)海軍保留它的力量，這樣的危險(xiǎn)是不存在的。即使沒(méi)有英國(guó)海軍，也沒(méi)有任何敵人會(huì)蠢到登陸部隊(duì)在美國(guó)穿越幾千里的海洋攻擊我們，直到它已獲得了可使用的戰(zhàn)略基地。

但是我們學(xué)到很多來(lái)自歐洲的過(guò)去幾年的經(jīng)驗(yàn)教訓(xùn)——特別是挪威的教訓(xùn)，他們主要的港口被背叛和驚喜的是建立在一系列的年。這個(gè)半球入侵的第一階段將不定期的軍隊(duì)登陸。該戰(zhàn)略的要點(diǎn)是要通過(guò)占領(lǐng)特務(wù)和他們的愚弄——他們中的許多已經(jīng)在這里和拉丁美洲的美國(guó)。只要侵略國(guó)保持進(jìn)攻他們，不是我們，將選擇的時(shí)間、地點(diǎn)和他們的攻擊方法。

這就是為何美國(guó)的將來(lái)受到威脅。這就是為什么這一年一度的國(guó)會(huì)咨文是我國(guó)歷史上獨(dú)一無(wú)二的。這就是為什么政府的行政部門(mén)和國(guó)會(huì)的每位成員都面臨著巨大的責(zé)任，重大的責(zé)任。需要的時(shí)刻，我們的行動(dòng)和我們的政策應(yīng)該是主要的————幾乎專(zhuān)門(mén)應(yīng)對(duì)外部的威脅。因?yàn)槲覀兯械膰?guó)內(nèi)問(wèn)題，現(xiàn)在是偉大的緊急的一部分。

正如我們?cè)趦?nèi)政方面的國(guó)家政策是以尊重的權(quán)利和在我們的大門(mén)對(duì)所有同胞的尊嚴(yán)，所以我們?cè)谕饨环矫娴膰?guó)家政策是基于尊重所有國(guó)家的權(quán)利與尊嚴(yán)，大的和小的。正義的道德將會(huì)獲得最終的勝利。

這是我們的國(guó)家政策：

首先，根據(jù)公眾意志的令人印象深刻的表達(dá)和不考慮黨派之爭(zhēng)，我們致力于全面的國(guó)防。

其次，根據(jù)公眾意志的令人印象深刻的表達(dá)和不考慮黨派之爭(zhēng)，我們致力于所有這些人都是誰(shuí)堅(jiān)決抵抗侵略從而使戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)遠(yuǎn)離我們的半球的全力支持。通過(guò)這種支持我們表達(dá)我們的民主事業(yè)必勝的決心，我們加強(qiáng)我國(guó)自身的防務(wù)和安全。

第三，根據(jù)公眾意志的令人印象深刻的表達(dá)和不考慮黨派之爭(zhēng)，我們致力于命題，為了我們自己的安全和道德的考慮原則將不會(huì)允許我們默許和平由侵略者支配、由兩。我們知道，持久和平是不能購(gòu)買(mǎi)成本的其他人的自由。

在最近的國(guó)家選舉中沒(méi)有實(shí)質(zhì)性的差異之間的兩大政黨在國(guó)家政策上。沒(méi)有問(wèn)題進(jìn)行了這一行之前，美國(guó)的選民。今天，很明顯，美國(guó)公民都要求和支持快速和完整的明顯的危險(xiǎn)識(shí)別作用。

因此，當(dāng)務(wù)之急是迅速增加我們的軍械生產(chǎn)。工業(yè)和勞工領(lǐng)袖回應(yīng)我們的召喚。速度的目標(biāo)已經(jīng)確定。在某些情況下，這些目標(biāo)是達(dá)到提前。在某些情況下，我們按計(jì)劃;在其他情況下，有輕微的滯后但不嚴(yán)重。在一些情況下——，我很抱歉，非常重要的方面——我們所有的計(jì)劃完成的慢度有關(guān)。

陸軍和海軍，然而，在過(guò)去一年取得了巨大的進(jìn)步。實(shí)際經(jīng)驗(yàn)是改進(jìn)和加快生產(chǎn)方式與我們每一天。今天最好的不夠好，明天。

我不滿(mǎn)意迄今取得的進(jìn)展。項(xiàng)目的負(fù)責(zé)人是最好的訓(xùn)練，能力，和愛(ài)國(guó)主義。他們不滿(mǎn)意迄今取得的進(jìn)展。沒(méi)有人會(huì)滿(mǎn)意直到任務(wù)完成。

不論最初的目標(biāo)定得太高或太低，我們的目標(biāo)是更快，更好的結(jié)果。

給你兩個(gè)插圖：

我們的進(jìn)度落后生產(chǎn)出成品的飛機(jī)。我們正在夜以繼日地工作，為了解決無(wú)數(shù)的問(wèn)題，趕上。

我們?cè)诮④娕炋崆?，但我們的工作也得到了進(jìn)一步的計(jì)劃。

要改變整個(gè)國(guó)家的和平與戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)的生產(chǎn)基礎(chǔ)實(shí)施平時(shí)生產(chǎn)的基礎(chǔ)是不小的任務(wù)。和最大的困難是在程序開(kāi)始時(shí)，新工具，新的工廠設(shè)施，新的裝配線(xiàn)，新船臺(tái)首先必須構(gòu)建實(shí)際材料開(kāi)始流動(dòng)穩(wěn)步前迅速?gòu)乃麄儭?/p>

當(dāng)然，國(guó)會(huì)，必須時(shí)刻知曉的計(jì)劃進(jìn)度。然而，有一定的信息，作為國(guó)會(huì)也能夠認(rèn)識(shí)到，其中，在我們自己的安全和利益的國(guó)家，我們支持，必須要保密。

新情況不斷帶來(lái)新的需要為我們的安全。我將要求國(guó)會(huì)大量增加新的撥款和授權(quán)繼續(xù)進(jìn)行我們已經(jīng)開(kāi)始。

我還要求國(guó)會(huì)權(quán)威和足夠的資金來(lái)制造更多的彈藥和各種戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)物資，對(duì)這些國(guó)家現(xiàn)在的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)是侵略與實(shí)際國(guó)家。我們最有效和最直接的作用是作為他們的一個(gè)阿森納和我們自己。他們不需要人力，但他們需要數(shù)十億美元的國(guó)防武器。

不久之后他們將無(wú)法用現(xiàn)金償還。我們不能，我們不會(huì)，告訴他們必須投降只是因?yàn)樗麄儫o(wú)力支付的武器，我們知道他們必須擁有。

我不建議我們讓他們的美元貸款，用以支付這些武器——要償還的貸款。我建議我們可以使那些國(guó)家繼續(xù)在美國(guó)獲得戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)物資，擬合其命令為我們自己的計(jì)劃。而幾乎所有的材料，如果時(shí)間來(lái)過(guò)，有利于我們自己的防衛(wèi)。

以咨詢(xún)軍事專(zhuān)家們，考慮什么是最適合我們自己的安全，我們可以自由地決定多少應(yīng)保持在這里，多少應(yīng)該送到國(guó)外對(duì)我們的朋友，他們的決心和英勇的抵抗，給我們的時(shí)間來(lái)使自己的防御準(zhǔn)備。

我們送出國(guó)我們應(yīng)當(dāng)償還，償還在合理的時(shí)間后，敵對(duì)的接近，類(lèi)似的材料償還，或在我們的選擇的其他各種物質(zhì)可以產(chǎn)生我們需要的。

讓我們說(shuō)：“我們美國(guó)人的民主自由在你的防御非常關(guān)注。我們將提出我們的精力，我們的資源，我們的組織能力，給你力量恢復(fù)和維持一個(gè)自由的世界。我們要把你的數(shù)量在不斷增加，船舶，飛機(jī)，坦克，大炮。這是我們的目標(biāo)和承諾。”

為了實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)目標(biāo)，我們不會(huì)被嚇倒的獨(dú)裁者的威脅，他們將之視為違反國(guó)際法或作為民主國(guó)家哪敢反抗侵略的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)我們的援助法案。這樣的援助——這樣的援助不是戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)行為，即使一個(gè)獨(dú)裁者應(yīng)該單方面的這樣做。

當(dāng)獨(dú)裁者們——如果獨(dú)裁者——準(zhǔn)備向我們開(kāi)戰(zhàn)，他們不會(huì)等待我們的行動(dòng)的一部分戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。

他們并不等待挪威和比利時(shí)和荷蘭來(lái)的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。他們唯一感興趣的是一個(gè)新的單向國(guó)際法，而它的慣例不相關(guān)，因此成為壓迫的工具。未來(lái)幾代美國(guó)人的幸福取決于我們?nèi)绾斡行Ф杆俚厥刮覀兊脑械?。沒(méi)有人能告訴怎樣的緊急情況，我們可能會(huì)被要求滿(mǎn)足。國(guó)家的手不得在國(guó)家命脈垂危的時(shí)候，把。

是的，我們必須做好準(zhǔn)備，我們所有的準(zhǔn)備，作出犧牲，緊急——幾乎和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身一樣嚴(yán)重的——要求。無(wú)論站在這樣的速度和效率，在防守方面，任何形式的防御準(zhǔn)備，必須讓國(guó)家的需要。

一個(gè)自由的國(guó)家有權(quán)要求所有團(tuán)體充分合作。一個(gè)自由的國(guó)家有權(quán)期望商界領(lǐng)袖的勞動(dòng)力，農(nóng)業(yè)，并帶頭努力，但不是在其他群體自己組內(nèi)的。

處理在我們中間的那些懶鬼和麻煩制造者的最好方法是，首先，用愛(ài)國(guó)的例子去羞辱他們，如果失敗，使用政府主權(quán)政府的拯救。

正如人不能單靠面包生活，他們不光靠武器戰(zhàn)斗。我們這些人誰(shuí)的抗辯和防御背后誰(shuí)建立我們必須有毅力和勇氣來(lái)自不可動(dòng)搖的信念在他們正在保衛(wèi)的生活方式。我們呼吁不能基于無(wú)視所有的強(qiáng)有力的行動(dòng)。

國(guó)家非常滿(mǎn)意和強(qiáng)度已經(jīng)完成，讓人民意識(shí)到在美國(guó)的民主生活的保存他們的個(gè)人利益的事情。那些人纖維增韌的，革新了他們的信心，增強(qiáng)了他們對(duì)所要保護(hù)的。

當(dāng)然，這是沒(méi)有時(shí)間為任何人停止有關(guān)的社會(huì)革命，是當(dāng)今世界上最高的因素造成的社會(huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題的思考。有關(guān)于健康和強(qiáng)大的民主國(guó)家的基礎(chǔ)沒(méi)有什么神秘的。

最基本的東西，他們預(yù)期到我們的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)系統(tǒng)中的人都是簡(jiǎn)單的。他們是：

青年平等機(jī)會(huì)和別人。

對(duì)于那些能夠工作的工作。

對(duì)于那些需要它的安全。

為結(jié)束少數(shù)人的特權(quán)。

保護(hù)所有人的公民自由權(quán)。

享受的——更廣泛和不斷上升的生活標(biāo)準(zhǔn)享受科學(xué)進(jìn)步的果實(shí)。

這些都是簡(jiǎn)單的，千萬(wàn)不要在我們這個(gè)混亂和令人難以置信的復(fù)雜的現(xiàn)代世界失去了最基本的東西。我國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治體制的內(nèi)在和持久的力量，取決于他們?cè)诤畏N程度上滿(mǎn)足這些期望。

許多人與我國(guó)社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)需要立即改善。為例：

我們應(yīng)該讓更多的公民的養(yǎng)老和失業(yè)保險(xiǎn)的覆蓋下。

我們應(yīng)該擴(kuò)大醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)的機(jī)會(huì)。

我們應(yīng)該計(jì)劃一個(gè)更好的系統(tǒng)，哪些人值得或需要有報(bào)酬的工作可以得到它。

我已經(jīng)要求個(gè)人犧牲，我放心，幾乎所有的美國(guó)人響應(yīng)號(hào)召的意愿。犧牲部分的方式繳納更多的稅款。在我的預(yù)算案的消息，我會(huì)建議這個(gè)偉大的防御計(jì)劃更大的部分是由稅收支付，比我們今天所支付的。沒(méi)有人應(yīng)該嘗試，或可以致富的計(jì)劃，并與支付能力按照納稅原則應(yīng)當(dāng)繼續(xù)指導(dǎo)著我們的立法。

如果國(guó)會(huì)認(rèn)為這些原則的選民，把愛(ài)國(guó)主義前面口袋，將給你掌聲。

在未來(lái)的日子里，我們力求安定，我們期待一個(gè)建立在四項(xiàng)人類(lèi)基本自由的世界。

第一是言論和表達(dá)的自由——在世界各地。

第二是每個(gè)人以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由——在世界各地。

第三是免于匱乏的自由，其中，翻譯成世界經(jīng)濟(jì)的理解，這將確保每一個(gè)國(guó)家的居民健康的和平生活——在世界各地。

第四是免于恐懼的自由，其中，從全球的角度說(shuō)，意味著世界范圍的裁軍是如此徹底的方式，沒(méi)有一個(gè)國(guó)家有能力做任何鄰居的身體攻擊行為——在世界任何地方。

這不是幻想中的一個(gè)遙遠(yuǎn)的千年。這是我們自己的時(shí)間和產(chǎn)生一種世界達(dá)到一定的基礎(chǔ)。這種世界的所謂“新秩序”的對(duì)立面專(zhuān)制獨(dú)裁者企圖用炸彈的威力創(chuàng)造。

這一新的訂單我們反對(duì)偉大的觀念——道德秩序。一個(gè)好的社會(huì)計(jì)劃能夠面對(duì)世界統(tǒng)治和外國(guó)革命而無(wú)所畏懼。

美國(guó)有史以來(lái)我們一直在變化，在一個(gè)永久的和平革命，這場(chǎng)革命，穩(wěn)步地，悄悄地，適應(yīng)變化中的情況沒(méi)有集中營(yíng)或生石灰溝。我們所尋求的世界秩序，是自由國(guó)家之間的合作，共同在一個(gè)友好的工作，文明社會(huì)。

這個(gè)國(guó)家把它的命運(yùn)掌握在手和頭的千百萬(wàn)自由男女的心中，并在其自由信仰的神指導(dǎo)下。自由意味著任何地方人權(quán)至上。我們支持那些奮斗爭(zhēng)取這些權(quán)利，讓他們。我們的優(yōu)勢(shì)在于我們目標(biāo)一致。

那個(gè)高的概念可以有沒(méi)有盡頭的勝利。