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雙語·林肯傳 23

所屬教程:譯林版·林肯傳

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2022年05月27日

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23

In the spring of 1863, Lee, flushed with a phenomenal series of brilliant victories, determined to take the offensive and invade the North. He planned to seize the rich manufacturing centers of Pennsylvania, secure food, medicine, and new clothes for his ragged troops, possibly capture Washington, and compel France and Great Britain to recognize the Confederacy.

A bold, reckless move! True, but the Southern troops were boasting that one Confederate could whip three Yankees, and they believed it; so when their officers told them they could eat beef twice a day when they reached Pennsylvania, they were eager to be off at once.

Before he quit Richmond, Lee received disquieting news from home. A terrible thing had happened! One of his daughters had actually been caught reading a novel. The great general was distressed; so he wrote, pleading with her to devote her leisure to such innocuous classics as Plato and Homer, and Plutarch's Lives. After finishing the letter, Lee read his Bible and knelt in prayer, as was his custom; then he blew out the candle and turned in for the night....

Presently he was off with seventy-five thousand men. His hungry army plunged across the Potomac, throwing the country into a panic. Farmers rushed out of the Cumberland Valley, driving their horses and cattle before them; and negroes, their eyes white with fear, fled in terror, lest they be dragged back to slavery.

Lee's artillery was already thundering before Harrisburg, when he learned that, back in the rear, the Union Army was threatening to break his lines of communication. So he whirled around as an angry ox would to gore a dog snapping at his heels; and, quite by chance, the ox and the dog met at a sleepy little Pennsylvania village with a theological seminary, a place called Gettysburg, and fought there the most famous battle in the history of our country.

During the first two days of the fighting the Union Army lost twenty thousand men; and, on the third day, Lee hoped finally to smash the enemy by a terrific assault of fresh troops under the command of General George Pickett.

These were new tactics for Lee. Up to this time, he had fought with his men behind breastworks or concealed in the woods. Now he planned to make a desperate attack out in the open.

The very contemplation of it staggered Lee's most brilliant assistant, General Longstreet.

“Great God!” Longstreet exclaimed. “Look, General Lee, at the insurmountable difficulties between our line and that of the Yankees—the steep hills, the tiers of artillery, the fences. And then we shall have to fight our infantry against their battery. Look at the ground we shall have to charge over, nearly a mile of it there in the open, under the line of their canister and shrapnel. It is my opinion that no fifteen thousand men ever arrayed for battle could take that position.”

But Lee was adamant. “There were never such men in an army before,” he replied. “They will go anywhere and do anything if properly led.”

So Lee held to his decision, and made the bloodiest blunder of his career.

The Confederates had already massed one hundred and fifty cannon along Seminary Ridge. If you visit Gettysburg, you can see them there to-day, placed precisely as they were on that fateful July afternoon when they laid down a barrage such as, up to that time, had never before been heard on earth.

Longstreet in this instance had keener judgment than Lee. He believed that the charge could result in nothing but pointless butchery; so he bowed his head and wept and declined to issue the order. Consequently, another officer had to give the command for him; and, in obedience to that command, General George Pickett led his Southern troops in the most dramatic and disastrous charge that ever occurred in the Western world.

Strangely enough, this general who led the assault on the Union lines was an old friend of Lincoln's. In fact, Lincoln had made it possible for him to go to West Point. He was a picturesque character, this man Pickett. He wore his hair so long that his auburn locks almost touched his shoulders; and, like Napoleon in his Italian campaigns, he wrote ardent love-letters almost daily on the battle-field. His devoted troops cheered him that afternoon as he rode off jauntily toward the Union lines, with his cap set at a rakish angle over his right ear. They cheered and they followed him, man touching man, rank pressing rank, with banners flying and bayonets gleaming in the sun. It was picturesque. Daring. Magnificent. A murmur of admiration ran through the Union lines as they beheld it.

Pickett's troops swept forward at an easy trot, through an orchard and corn-field, across a meadow, and over a ravine. All the time, the enemy's cannon were tearing ghastly holes in their ranks. But on they pressed, grim, irresistible.

Suddenly the Union infantry rose from behind the stone wall on Cemetery Ridge where they had been hiding, and fired volley after volley into Pickett's defenseless troops. The crest of the hill was a sheet of flame, a slaughter-house, a blazing volcano. In a few minutes, all of Pickett's brigade commanders, except one, were down, and four fifths of his five thousand men had fallen.

A thousand fell where Kemper led;

A thousand died where Garnett bled;

In blinding flame and strangling smoke

The remnant through the batteries broke,

And crossed the fine with Armistead.

Armistead, leading the troops in the final plunge, ran forward, vaulted over the stone wall, and, waving his cap on the top of his sword, shouted:

“Give 'em the steel, boys!”

They did. They leaped over the wall, bayoneted their enemies, smashed skulls with clubbed muskets, and planted the battle-flags of the South on Cemetery Ridge.

The banners waved there, however, only for a moment. But that moment, brief as it was, recorded the high-water mark of the Confederacy.

Pickett's charge—brilliant, heroic—was nevertheless the beginning of the end. Lee had failed. He could not penetrate the North. And he knew it.

The South was doomed.

As the remnant of Pickett's bleeding men struggled back from their fatal charge, Lee, entirely alone, rode out to encourage them, and greeted them with a self-condemnation that was little short of sublime.

“All this has been my fault,” he confessed. “It is I who have lost this fight.”

During the night of July 4 Lee began to retreat. Heavy rains were falling, and by the time he reached the Potomac the water was so high that he couldn't cross.

There Lee was, caught in a trap, an impassable river in front of him, a victorious enemy behind him. Meade, it seemed, had him at his mercy. Lincoln was delighted; he was sure the Federal troops would swoop down upon Lee's flank and rear now, rout and capture his men, and bring the war to an abrupt and triumphant close. And if Grant had been there, that is probably what would have happened.

But the vain and scholarly Meade was not the bulldog Grant. Every day for an entire week Lincoln repeatedly urged and commanded Meade to attack, but he was too cautious, too timid. He did not want to fight; he hesitated, he telegraphed excuses, he called a council of war in direct violation of orders—and did nothing, while the waters receded and Lee escaped.

Lincoln was furious.

“What does this mean?” he cried. “Great God! What does this mean? We had them within our grasp, and had only to stretch forth our hands and they were ours; yet nothing that I could say or do could make the army move. Under the circumstances, almost any general could have defeated Lee. If I had gone up there, I could have whipped him, myself.” In bitter disappointment, Lincoln sat down and wrote Meade a letter, in which he said:

My dear General, I do not believe you appreciate the magnitude of the misfortune involved in Lee's escape. He was within our easy grasp, and to have closed upon him would, in connection with our other late successes, have ended the war. As it is, the war will be prolonged indefinitely. If you could not safely attack Lee last Monday, how can you possibly do so south of the river, when you can take with you very few more than two-thirds of the force you then had in hand? It would be unreasonable to expect and I do not expect that you can now effect much. Your golden opportunity is gone, and I am distressed immeasurably because of it.

Lincoln read this letter, and then stared out the window with unseeing eyes, and did a bit of thinking: “If I had been in Meade's place,” he probably mused to himself, “and had had Meade's temperament and the advice of his timid officers, and if I had been awake as many nights as he had, and had seen as much blood, I might have let Lee escape, too.”

The letter was never sent. Meade never saw it. It was found among Lincoln's papers after his death.

The Battle of Gettysburg was fought during the first week of July; six thousand dead and twenty-seven thousand wounded were left on the field. Churches, schools, and barns were turned into hospitals; groans of the suffering filled the air. Scores were dying every hour, corpses were decaying rapidly in the intense heat. The burial parties had to work fast. There was little time to dig graves; so, in many instances, a little dirt was scooped over a body where it lay. After a week of hard rains, many of the dead were half exposed. The Union soldiers were gathered from their temporary graves, and buried in one place. The following autumn the Cemetery Commission decided to dedicate the ground, and invited Edward Everett, the most famous orator in the United States, to deliver the address.

Formal invitations to attend the exercises were sent to the President, to the Cabinet, to General Meade, to all members of both houses of Congress, to various distinguished citizens, and to the members of the diplomatic corps. Very few of these people accepted; many didn't acknowledge the invitation.

The committee had not the least idea that the President would come. In fact, they had not even troubled to write him a personal invitation. He got merely a printed one. They imagined that his secretaries might drop it in the waste-basket without even showing it to Lincoln.

So when he wrote saying he would be present, the committee was astonished. And a bit embarrassed. What should they do? Ask him to speak? Some argued that he was too busy for that, that he couldn't possibly find time to prepare. Others frankly asked, “Well, even if he had the time, has he the ability?” They doubted it.

Oh, yes, he could make a stump speech in Illinois; but speaking at the dedication of a cemetery? No. That was different. That was not Lincoln's style. However, since he was coming anyway, they had to do something. So they finally wrote him, saying that after Mr. Everett had delivered his oration, they would like to have him make “a few appropriate remarks.” That was the way they phrased it—“a few appropriate remarks.”

The invitation just barely missed being an insult. But the President accepted it. Why? There is an interesting story behind that. The previous autumn Lincoln had visited the battle-field of Antietam; and, one afternoon while he and an old friend from Illinois, Ward Lamon, were out driving, the President turned to Lamon and asked him to sing what Lincoln called his “sad little song.” It was one of Lincoln's favorites.

“Many a time, on the Illinois circuit and often at the White House when Lincoln and I were alone,” says Lamon, “I have seen him in tears while I was rendering that homely melody.”

It went like this:

I've wandered to the village, Tom; I've sat beneath the tree

Upon the schoolhouse play-ground, that sheltered you and me;

But none were left to greet me, Tom, and few were left to know

Who played with us upon the green, some twenty years ago.

Near by the spring, upon the elm you know I cut your name,—

Your sweetheart's just beneath it, Tom; and you did mine the same.

Some heartless wretch has peeled the bark—'twas dying sure but slow,

Just as she died whose name you cut, some twenty years ago.

My lids have long been dry, Tom, but tears came to my eyes;

I thought of her I loved so well, those early broken ties:

I visited the old churchyard, and took some flowers to strow

Upon the graves of those we loved, some twenty years ago.

As Lamon sang it now, probably Lincoln fell to dreaming of the only woman he had ever loved, Ann Rutledge, and he thought of her lying back there in her neglected grave on the Illinois prairie; and the rush of these poignant memories filled his eyes with tears. So Lamon, to break the spell of Lincoln's melancholy, struck up a humorous negro melody.

That was all there was to the incident. It was perfectly harmless, and very pathetic. But Lincoln's political enemies distorted it and lied about it and tried to make it a national disgrace. They made it appear like a gross indecency. The New York “World” repeated some version of the scandal every day for almost three months. Lincoln was accused of cracking jokes and singing funny songs on the battle-field where “heavy details of men were engaged in burying the dead.”

The truth is that he had cracked no jokes at all, that he had sung no songs, that he had been miles away from the battlefield when the incident occurred, that the dead had all been buried before that, and rain had fallen upon their graves. Such were the facts. But his enemies didn't want facts. They were lusting for blood. A bitter cry of savage denunciation swept over the land.

Lincoln was deeply hurt. He was so distressed that he could not bear to read these attacks, yet he didn't feel that he ought to answer them, for that would merely dignify them. So he suffered in silence, and when the invitation came to speak at the dedication of the Gettysburg cemetery, he welcomed it. It was just the opportunity he desired to silence his enemies and pay his humble tribute to the honored dead.

The invitation came late, and he had only a crowded fortnight in which to prepare his speech. He thought it over during his spare moments—while dressing, while being shaved, while eating his lunch, while walking back and forth between Stanton's office and the White House. He mused upon it while stretched out on a leather couch in the war-office, waiting for the late telegraphic reports. He wrote a rough draft of it on a piece of pale-blue foolscap paper, and carried it about in the top of his hat. The Sunday before it was delivered he said: “I have written it over two or three times, but it is not finished. I shall have to give it another lick before I am satisfied.”

He arrived in Gettysburg the night before the dedication. The little town was filled to overflowing. Its usual population of thirteen hundred had been swelled to almost thirty thousand. The weather was fine; the night was clear; a bright full moon rode high through the sky. Only a fraction of the crowd could find beds; thousands paraded up and down the village until dawn. The sidewalks soon became clogged, impassable; so hundreds, locked arm in arm, marched in the middle of the dirt streets, singing, “John Brown's body lies a-mouldering in the grave.”

Lincoln devoted all that evening to giving his speech “another lick.” At eleven o'clock he went to an adjoining house, where Secretary Seward was staying, and read the speech aloud to him, asking for his criticisms. The next morning, after breakfast, Lincoln continued working over it until a rap at the door reminded him that it was time for him to take his place in the procession headed for the cemetery.

As the procession started, he sat erect at first; but presently his body slouched forward in the saddle; his head fell on his chest, and his long arms hung limp at his sides.... He was lost in thought, going over his little speech, giving it “another lick.”

Edward Everett, the selected orator of the occasion, made two mistakes at Gettysburg. Both bad—and both uncalled for. First, he arrived an hour late; and, secondly, he spoke for two hours.

Lincoln had read Everett's oration and when he saw that the speaker was nearing his close, he knew his time was coming, and he honestly felt that he wasn't adequately prepared; so he grew nervous, twisted in his chair, drew his manuscript from the pocket of his Prince Albert coat, put on his old-fashioned glasses, and quickly refreshed his memory.

Presently he stepped forward, manuscript in hand, and delivered his little address in two minutes.

Did his audience realize, that soft November afternoon, that they were listening to the greatest speech that had ever fallen from human lips up to that time? No, most of his hearers were merely curious: they had never seen nor heard a President of the United States, they strained their necks to look at Lincoln, and were surprised to discover that such a tall man had such a high, thin voice, and that he spoke with a Southern accent. They had forgotten that he was born a Kentuckian and that he had retained the intonation of his native State; and about the time they felt he was getting through with his introduction and ready to launch into his speech—he sat down.

What! Had he forgotten? Or was it really all he had to say? People were too surprised and disappointed to applaud.

Many a spring, back in Indiana, Lincoln had tried to break ground with a rusty plow; but the soil had stuck to its moldboard, and made a mess. It wouldn't “scour.” That was the term people used. Throughout his life, when Lincoln wanted to indicate that a thing had failed, he frequently resorted to the phraseology of the corn-field. Turning now to Ward Lamon, Lincoln said:

“That speech is a flat failure, Lamon. It won't scour. The people are disappointed.”

He was right. Every one was disappointed, including Edward Everett and Secretary Seward, who were sitting on the platform with the President. They both believed he had failed woefully; and both felt sorry for him.

Lincoln was so distressed that he worried himself into a severe headache; and on the way back to Washington, he had to lie down in the drawing-room of the train and have his head bathed with cold water.

Lincoln went to his grave believing that he had failed utterly at Gettysburg. And he had, as far as the immediate effect of his speech was concerned.

With characteristic modesty, he sincerely felt that the world would “l(fā)ittle note nor long remember” what he said there, but that it would never forget what the brave men who died had done there. How surprised he would be if he should come back to life now and realize that the speech of his that most people remember is the one that didn't “scour” at Gettysburg! How amazed he would be to discover that the ten immortal sentences he spoke there will probably be cherished as one of the literary glories and treasures of earth centuries hence, long after the Civil War is all but forgotten.

Lincoln's Gettysburg address is more than a speech. It is the divine expression of a rare soul exalted and made great by suffering. It is an unconscious prose poem, and has all the majestic beauty and profound roll of epic lines:

Four score and seven years ago

Our fathers brought forth upon this continent,

A new nation, conceived in Liberty,

And dedicated to the proposition

That all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war,

Testing whether that nation, or any nation

So conceived and so dedicated,

Can long endure. We are met

On a great battle-field of that war.

We have come to dedicate a portion of

That field as a final resting-place

For those who here gave their lives

That that nation might live.

It is altogether fitting and proper

That we should do this.

But, in a larger sense,

We can not dedicate—we can not consecrate

We can not hallow this ground. The brave men,

Living and dead, who struggled here

Have consecrated it far above our poor power

To add or detract. The world will little note,

Nor long remember what we say here,

But it can never forget what they did here.

It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here

To the unfinished work which they who fought here

Have thus far so nobly advanced.

It is rather for us to be here dedicated

To the great task remaining before us—

That from these honored dead we take

Increased devotion to that cause for which

They gave the last full measure of devotion—

That we here highly resolve that these dead

Shall not have died in vain—that this nation,

Under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—

And that government of the people,

By the people, for the people,

Shall not perish from the earth.

23

一八六三年春,李將軍被一系列顯著而非凡的勝利沖昏了頭腦,意氣風(fēng)發(fā)地決定入侵北方。他計(jì)劃先占領(lǐng)賓夕法尼亞州富庶的制造業(yè)中心,確保自己那些衣衫襤褸的士兵有足夠的食物、藥品和衣物,然后設(shè)法攻占華盛頓,接著迫使英國和法國承認(rèn)南方聯(lián)盟。

這是一場大膽又魯莽的行動(dòng)。南方軍自大地認(rèn)為,一個(gè)南方勇士抵得上三個(gè)北方佬。他們對于這一點(diǎn)深信不疑,于是當(dāng)他們的長官告訴他們,到了賓夕法尼亞州后一天可以吃兩頓牛肉時(shí),他們恨不得立刻出發(fā)。

在離開里士滿之前,李收到了家里傳來的令人心煩的消息。他家里發(fā)生了一件很糟糕的大事:他的一個(gè)女兒被抓到偷看小說。這位偉大的將軍非常憂慮,于是提筆給女兒寫信,懇求她將自己的空余時(shí)間用在閱讀經(jīng)典作品上,例如柏拉圖和荷馬的作品,以及普魯塔克的名人傳。寫完信后,李和往常一樣讀了會兒《圣經(jīng)》,然后跪下禱告。接著他吹滅了蠟燭,上床睡覺去了。

沒過多久,李率領(lǐng)著七萬五千人出發(fā)了。這支饑餓的軍隊(duì)橫渡波托馬克河,整個(gè)國家因此陷入了驚慌。農(nóng)民們駕著牛馬倉皇逃出了坎伯蘭山谷。黑人們眼中滿是恐懼,四處逃命,唯恐再被抓回去做奴隸。

當(dāng)李將軍的炮火在賓夕法尼亞州首府哈里斯堡前轟隆響起的時(shí)候,李發(fā)現(xiàn)北方軍正試圖切斷他的后方通訊線。于是,他就像一頭憤怒的公牛一樣回轉(zhuǎn)槍頭,想要兇狠地頂傷在他身后撕咬他的腳跟的小狗。機(jī)緣巧合之下,公牛和小狗在賓夕法尼亞州一處有著一所神學(xué)院的靜謐小鄉(xiāng)村相遇了。這個(gè)地方名為葛底斯堡,正是在這里,雙方發(fā)動(dòng)了美國歷史上最為著名的一場戰(zhàn)役。

在戰(zhàn)役的前兩天,北方軍損失了兩萬人。戰(zhàn)役第三天,李讓喬治·皮克特(George Pickett)將軍帶領(lǐng)生力軍向北方發(fā)起一波強(qiáng)攻,希望能借此徹底摧毀敵人。

這是李的新戰(zhàn)略。到目前為止,李和他的部下都是通過躲在胸墻后面或隱藏在樹林里的方式進(jìn)行戰(zhàn)斗,現(xiàn)在他計(jì)劃在空地上發(fā)動(dòng)一次猛烈的正面攻擊。

李最杰出的副將朗斯特里特將軍經(jīng)過仔細(xì)考慮,對這個(gè)戰(zhàn)略提出了質(zhì)疑。

“上帝??!”朗斯特里特大喊道,“李將軍,你看一下這些橫在我軍和北方軍之間的障礙——陡峭的山坡,層層的炮火,還有圍墻——這些幾乎是不可攻克的。即便越過了這些障礙,我們的步兵還要面對敵軍的炮兵連。你看,我們的沖鋒區(qū)域是一片接近一英里的開闊之地,到時(shí)我們會完全暴露在敵軍的霰彈筒和彈片之下。我認(rèn)為,從沒有哪支一萬五千人的軍隊(duì)攻下過這樣的地方?!?/p>

但李固執(zhí)己見?!澳鞘且?yàn)槟切┸婈?duì)里沒有我們的士兵?!彼卮鸬?,“只要引領(lǐng)恰當(dāng),我們的士兵可以去任何地方,做任何事?!?/p>

李堅(jiān)持自己的意見,于是犯下了職業(yè)生涯中最為致命的大錯(cuò)。

南方軍已沿著神學(xué)院山脊調(diào)集了一百五十枚加農(nóng)炮。如果你去葛底斯堡參觀,便能看到它們?nèi)粤⒃谠?,和那個(gè)在宿命的七月下午,發(fā)動(dòng)的有史以來最為密集的火力網(wǎng)時(shí)的樣子一模一樣。

此時(shí)此刻,朗斯特里特的判斷比李更準(zhǔn)確。他認(rèn)為這次出擊是毫無意義的,只會血流成河,于是他低下頭忍不住哭泣,拒絕發(fā)布攻擊命令。結(jié)果,另外一位指揮官代替他下達(dá)了命令。在這項(xiàng)命令的指引下,喬治·皮克特率領(lǐng)著南方軍進(jìn)行了一場西方世界從未有過的最戲劇化、傷亡最慘烈的進(jìn)攻。

有意思的是,這位帶兵侵犯聯(lián)邦軍防線的將軍,是林肯的一位舊識。事實(shí)上,是林肯促成了他去西點(diǎn)軍校。皮克特是一個(gè)很有個(gè)性的人。他留著一頭赤褐色的披肩長發(fā),在戰(zhàn)場上幾乎每天都會寫熱烈的情書,就像在意大利戰(zhàn)場的拿破侖一樣。那天下午,在忠誠的士兵們的歡呼聲中,他瀟灑地向右邊歪戴著軍帽,得意揚(yáng)揚(yáng)地騎著馬朝北方軍的防線進(jìn)軍。士兵們興高采烈地跟在他身后,摩肩接踵,一個(gè)陣列接著一個(gè)陣列。旌旗飄揚(yáng),一排排鋒利的槍刺在陽光下閃爍著白光。這是一幕別開生面的場景,壯觀又豪情萬丈。北方軍看到這一景象,羨慕之情在心中悄然蔓延開來。

皮克特的部隊(duì)一路小跑著前進(jìn),穿過了果園和玉米地,越過了草場和山澗。一路上,北方軍的炮火在他們的陣列中撕開了一個(gè)又一個(gè)可怕的口子,但他們?nèi)耘f義無反顧地帶著肅穆的神情相互擁擠著向前行進(jìn)。

突然,躲藏在墓園山脊石墻后的北方軍步兵沖了出來。一波又一波的子彈掃向皮克特那毫無防備的大軍。山頂就像噴發(fā)的火山一樣滿是火光,儼然已成了一片屠宰場。幾分鐘后,皮克特手下的旅級指揮官只剩下一名,其余都陣亡了。五千士兵死了四千人。

坎伯領(lǐng)軍的地方,倒下了一千人,

加尼特犧牲的地方,死了一千人,

在迷人眼的火焰和令人窒息的硝煙中,

剩余的將士在槍林彈雨中沖鋒,

跟著阿米斯特德沖過防線。

阿米斯特德率領(lǐng)軍隊(duì)進(jìn)行最后的沖鋒。他勇往直前,躍過石墻,將帽子挑在刀尖上,一邊揮舞一邊喊道:

“兄弟們,讓他們嘗嘗尖刀的滋味?!?/p>

士兵們十分英勇。他們越過石墻,用刺刀瘋狂地攻擊敵人,用槍托敲碎敵人的頭顱,將南方軍的戰(zhàn)旗插上了墓園山脊。

然而,那面戰(zhàn)旗只飄揚(yáng)了一小會兒。這短暫的一小會兒成為南方軍在這場戰(zhàn)役中的巔峰時(shí)刻。

皮克特的指揮是明智且英勇的,但卻是南方戰(zhàn)敗的開始。李將軍敗了。他無法攻入北方,而他自己也很清楚這一點(diǎn)。

南方軍注定要失敗了。

皮克特帶著被打得落花流水的殘部狼狽地從生死一線的戰(zhàn)場撤回后,李獨(dú)自一人騎著馬去慰問他們。他用略帶黯淡的口吻自責(zé)道:“這都是我的錯(cuò)。是我輸了這一戰(zhàn)?!?/p>

七月四日晚,李開始撤退。當(dāng)晚大雨滂沱,當(dāng)他到達(dá)波托馬克河時(shí),河水已暴漲。李過不了河。

李陷入了困境:前有洶涌的河水,后有得勝的追兵??雌饋恚畹拿\(yùn)已掌握在北方軍將領(lǐng)米德手中。林肯非常高興,他認(rèn)為聯(lián)邦軍完全可以從李的左右兩翼和后方發(fā)動(dòng)襲擊,擊潰李的大軍,從而以迅雷不及掩耳之勢取得戰(zhàn)爭的勝利。如果當(dāng)時(shí)格蘭特在那里,事情大概會按照林肯的預(yù)想發(fā)生。

但是米德不是斗牛犬似的格蘭特,他是徒有其表的學(xué)究派。李被困的那一周,林肯每天都不斷地催促、命令米德發(fā)動(dòng)攻擊。但米德太謹(jǐn)慎,也太膽怯。他根本不想打仗,于是總是猶豫,還發(fā)電報(bào)找借口,甚至抗命召開軍事會議——最后當(dāng)河水退去李率部逃走時(shí),他什么都沒做。

林肯憤怒了。

“這是什么意思?”林肯大叫道,“上帝啊,這是什么意思?敵人就在我們的掌控之下,只要伸一伸手就能拿下他們,但是不管我說什么、做什么,軍隊(duì)就是不作為。在那種情況下,隨便哪個(gè)將軍都能擊敗李。如果我在那里,我也能打得李滿地找牙。”

在極度的失望下,林肯坐下給米德寫了封信。林肯這樣寫道:

親愛的將軍,我認(rèn)為你并不理解讓李逃脫這件事是一場多么巨大的災(zāi)難。他就在我們的掌控之下,只要你往前走幾步,戰(zhàn)爭就可以結(jié)束了。但是現(xiàn)在,戰(zhàn)爭將會無限期地拖延下去。

上周一你沒有把握擊敗李,那么之后等你帶著只有現(xiàn)在三分之二的兵力到達(dá)河南岸時(shí),你又憑什么有把握呢?指望你還能有所作為是一件不理智的事。我現(xiàn)在根本不指望你還能有什么作為。你錯(cuò)失了最佳的機(jī)會,對此我感到萬分苦惱。

林肯重讀了一遍這封信,眼神空洞地望著窗外,陷入了沉思?!叭绻以诿椎碌奈恢?,”他也許這樣對自己說,“性格和米德一樣謹(jǐn)慎,耳朵里塞滿了怯懦的軍官們提出的建議;如果我和他一樣常常半夜驚醒,和他一樣見過鮮血淋漓的場面,我也許也會放走李?!?/p>

林肯沒有寄出這封信,米德也沒有讀過這封信。直到林肯死后,人們才看到這封和其他文件放在一起的信。

葛底斯堡戰(zhàn)役是在七月的第一周打響的。六千人喪生,兩萬七千名傷者被留在了戰(zhàn)場上。教堂、學(xué)校和谷倉都變成了臨時(shí)醫(yī)院??諝庵袧M是痛苦的哀號。每個(gè)小時(shí)都有傷員瀕臨死亡。將士的尸體在酷熱的天氣下快速地腐爛。埋葬工作必須加快。沒有時(shí)間挖坑,于是很多時(shí)候,只能就地在尸體上覆一層薄土。下了一個(gè)星期大雨后,很多尸體都露了出來。于是人們將這些為聯(lián)邦犧牲的士兵放在了一起,然后統(tǒng)一埋了起來。第二年秋天,墓地委員會決定為這片墓地舉辦命名儀式,并邀請美國最著名的演說家愛德華·埃弗里特(Edward Everett)致辭。

同時(shí),委員會還向總統(tǒng)、內(nèi)閣、米德將軍、國會兩院所有成員、諸多杰出市民和外交使節(jié)團(tuán)的成員發(fā)出了正式邀請。接受邀請的人很少,很多人甚至不承認(rèn)收到了邀請。

委員會根本沒預(yù)料到總統(tǒng)會來。事實(shí)上,他們甚至沒有給總統(tǒng)發(fā)一封私人請柬,只給林肯發(fā)了一張和別人一樣的印刷請柬。他們覺得總統(tǒng)的秘書大概會將請柬直接扔進(jìn)垃圾桶,根本不會拿到總統(tǒng)面前。

因此當(dāng)總統(tǒng)回信說自己會參加時(shí),委員會震驚了,同時(shí)也很為難。他們該怎么辦呢?

邀請總統(tǒng)講話?有人認(rèn)為總統(tǒng)太忙了,沒有時(shí)間準(zhǔn)備講話。其他人直白地表示:“即便他有時(shí)間準(zhǔn)備,他有這個(gè)能力嗎?”對此,委員會表示十分懷疑。

是,他在伊利諾伊州成功地做了競選演說,但是為墓地致辭……不,這完全是兩碼事。這不是林肯的風(fēng)格。但是他既然來了,總得讓他做點(diǎn)什么。所以他們最終在給林肯的回信上表示希望林肯能夠在埃弗里特先生演講結(jié)束后“適當(dāng)?shù)刂v兩句”。他們原話就是這樣說的——“適當(dāng)?shù)刂v兩句?!?/p>

這樣的邀請幾乎是一種侮辱,但林肯仍接受了。為什么?這背后還有一個(gè)有趣的故事。去年秋天,林肯訪問了安提塔姆河戰(zhàn)場。一天下午,林肯和伊利諾伊州的舊友沃德·拉蒙(Ward Lamon)一同駕車出行。林肯面朝拉蒙,請他唱那首林肯稱之為“悲傷小調(diào)”的歌曲。這是林肯最愛的曲子。

“很多次,在伊利諾伊州巡回辦案的時(shí)候,或者是單獨(dú)和林肯在白宮的時(shí)候,”拉蒙說,“當(dāng)我唱起這支平凡的曲子時(shí),林肯總是淚流滿面?!?/p>

這首歌是這樣的:

我向著村莊走去,湯姆

我坐在學(xué)校操場上

那棵曾經(jīng)為我們擋風(fēng)遮雨的樹下

可是湯姆,沒有人來迎接我

也沒有人知道,二十年前

當(dāng)我們還年幼時(shí)

是誰陪在我們左右

泉水旁的榆樹上,我刻下你的名字

還在你的名字下方刻上了你心中的摯愛

湯姆,你也在樹上刻上了我的名字

一些無情的可憐人剝下了樹皮

榆樹正在緩緩地死去

就像二十年前刻在上面的名字一樣

我的眼瞼已干涸許久,湯姆

可現(xiàn)在淚水又涌上了眼眶

我想起了曾經(jīng)摯愛的她,還有那早已斷絕的情愫

我去了教堂的墓地,將花瓣撒在墳上

二十年前,我曾深愛過她

也許,拉蒙唱這首歌的時(shí)候,林肯回想起了自己唯一愛過的女人——安·拉特利奇,想起了她正長眠在伊利諾伊平原上冷清的荒冢中。往昔那心酸的回憶讓他的眼中蓄滿了淚水。為了打破林肯悲傷的魔咒,拉蒙又唱起了一首幽默的黑人歌曲。

事情就是這樣。這本是一件無傷大雅又充滿哀傷的小事,但林肯的政敵卻惡意曲解了這件事,并試圖讓它成為一件全國性的丑聞。他們將這件事描繪成了一副有傷風(fēng)化的樣子。關(guān)于這件丑聞的各種不同的說法,紐約《世界報(bào)》連續(xù)刊登了三個(gè)月。他們譴責(zé)林肯在“人人都在忙著掩埋將士尸體”的戰(zhàn)場上說說笑笑,唱滑稽的歌曲。

事實(shí)是,林肯根本沒有說說笑笑,也沒有唱歌。當(dāng)這件事發(fā)生的時(shí)候,林肯離戰(zhàn)場足有數(shù)英里遠(yuǎn)。在這件事發(fā)生之前,亡者早就埋葬妥當(dāng),是大雨沖開了他們的墳?zāi)?。這才是事實(shí)。但林肯的政敵并不需要事實(shí)。他們渴望看見鮮血,希望全國上下一起強(qiáng)烈譴責(zé)林肯。

林肯非常受傷。他很傷心,甚至不愿看那些攻擊他的報(bào)道,但同時(shí)他也不認(rèn)為自己應(yīng)該做出回應(yīng),因?yàn)槟菢又粫寣Ψ降臍庋娓訃虖?。他只能默默地忍受著一切。因此?dāng)他收到為葛底斯堡墓地致辭的邀請時(shí),他欣然接受了。他正需要這樣的機(jī)會讓政敵閉嘴,同時(shí)也向那些光榮犧牲的將士表達(dá)自己卑微的哀思。

邀請函來得有些晚,林肯只有兩周時(shí)間來準(zhǔn)備他的發(fā)言。他利用一切空閑的時(shí)間思考發(fā)言稿——穿衣服的時(shí)候,刮胡子的時(shí)候,吃午飯的時(shí)候以及在來往斯坦頓的辦公室和白宮的路上。甚至躺在戰(zhàn)爭辦公室的皮沙發(fā)上等待最新的電報(bào)時(shí),他也在思考發(fā)言的內(nèi)容。他將初稿寫在一張淡藍(lán)色的大號書寫紙上,塞在帽子里隨身攜帶。在發(fā)言前的那個(gè)禮拜天,林肯說:“我已經(jīng)修改了兩三遍,但還沒有定稿。我得再潤色一遍才能安心。”

他在致辭前一天抵達(dá)了葛底斯堡。整個(gè)小鎮(zhèn)早已人滿為患,原本只有一千三百常住人口的小鎮(zhèn)擠入了近三萬人。當(dāng)晚天氣很好,夜空明朗,一輪圓月高高地掛在空中。只有一小部分人找到了住處,剩余的人只能徹夜在鎮(zhèn)里走來走去。人行道很快便擠得水泄不通,無法通行。于是數(shù)百人手挽著手,一邊在泥濘的街道中央游行,一邊大聲唱著“約翰·布朗,你的身軀在墳?zāi)怪懈唷薄?/p>

那天晚上,林肯一直在“潤色”他的發(fā)言稿。十一點(diǎn)鐘的時(shí)候,林肯去了旁邊蘇華德的房間,將發(fā)言稿大聲地朗讀給他聽,并征求他的意見。第二天早上吃過早飯后,林肯繼續(xù)斟酌他的發(fā)言稿。直到門外響起一陣敲門聲,他才想起是時(shí)候和大部隊(duì)一起去公墓了。

隊(duì)伍出發(fā)的時(shí)候,一開始林肯筆直地坐在馬鞍上,但沒過多久,他的背便開始向前彎曲,他的頭垂在胸口,而那雙頎長的雙臂則軟綿綿地垂在身體兩側(cè)……林肯陷入了沉思,一遍又一遍地在腦海中回顧他的發(fā)言稿,并將稿件又“潤色”了一遍。

愛德華·埃弗里特是墓地委員會指定的演說家,但他在葛底斯堡犯了兩個(gè)錯(cuò)誤。這兩個(gè)錯(cuò)誤既無必要,影響也很壞。首先,他遲到了一個(gè)小時(shí);其次,他說了兩個(gè)小時(shí)。

林肯靜靜地聽著埃弗里特的演講。當(dāng)他意識到埃弗里特正在收尾時(shí),他知道該輪到自己了,但他十分誠實(shí)地認(rèn)為自己并未做好充分的準(zhǔn)備。林肯十分緊張,坐在椅子里不安地扭來扭去。他從雙排扣長禮服的口袋中拿出了發(fā)言稿,戴上他那副老式的眼鏡,迅速地重溫著發(fā)言的內(nèi)容。

接著,他拿著發(fā)言稿,向前走去。他花了兩分鐘完成了他的講話。

聽眾知道在那個(gè)柔和的十一月的下午,他們聽到了一場有史以來最偉大的演說嗎?他們不知道。大多數(shù)聽眾只覺得好奇,他們從沒見過美國總統(tǒng),也沒親身聽過總統(tǒng)講話。他們伸長脖子打量林肯,卻驚訝地發(fā)現(xiàn)眼前的這位大高個(gè)兒竟然有著一副高亮尖細(xì)的嗓音,而且還帶著南方口音。他們忘記了林肯本就是肯塔基州人,肯塔基的方言本就帶著一股南方口音。當(dāng)他們以為林肯說完了介紹詞,即將開始正式演講的時(shí)候,林肯卻坐了下來。

怎么回事?總統(tǒng)是不是忘詞了?這就是他的講話?人們沉浸在震驚和失望之中,甚至忘記了鼓掌。

在印第安納州的時(shí)候,每逢春天,林肯總是用一把生銹的犁耕地,結(jié)果泥全沾在了犁板上,弄得一塌糊涂。人們常用“擦不亮”這個(gè)詞來形容糟糕的情況。在林肯的一生中,每當(dāng)他想暗示一件事情失敗了,他便會借用這句農(nóng)田上流傳的土話。關(guān)于那場演說,林肯這樣對沃德·拉蒙說:

“拉蒙,那場講話徹底失敗了。擦不亮了。人們都很失望?!?/p>

林肯說得沒錯(cuò),每個(gè)人都感到失望,包括愛德華·埃弗里特以及和總統(tǒng)一起坐在臺上的國務(wù)卿蘇華德。他們都認(rèn)

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