“如果一戰(zhàn)的士兵們有Twitter的話,那場戰(zhàn)爭早就被結(jié)束了。”盡管我們每天仍然從媒體上看到大量的戰(zhàn)亂和沖突,但今天其實是史上最和平的時期之一。盡管拿破侖是比奧朗德更高端大氣的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人,但人們還是更愿意生活在奧朗德的時代。
測試中可能遇到的詞匯和知識:
Great Leap Forward“大躍進(jìn)”
flabby軟弱的,無力的
quibble over爭論瑣事
Peace in our time By Simon Kuper ‘They'd have stopped the first world war fast if soldiers had live-tweeted the carnage'
“Peace in our time” was made famous by British prime minister Neville Chamberlain, who in 1938 acknowledged Nazi Germany's annexation of Czechoslovakian territory, he told the British people that he had brought back “peace in our time”. Hitler started the Second World War soon afterwards.
When war broke out in August 1914, crowds in Trafalgar Square cheered. In Germany, even the liberal novelist Thomas Mann exulted, “War! We felt a cleansing, a liberation.” The “world of peace” had bored him.
His words show how far we have come since. Most recent commentaries about 1914 emphasise current risks of war. Yet today's overriding reality is peace – more widespread internationally and domestically than probably ever before. Armed conflict and violent crime are declining, as the Harvard psychologist Steven Pinker describes in his seminal The Better Angels of Our Nature. What if trends are towards even more peace?
The notion that we live in peaceful times is counter-intuitive. Years after the attacks of 9/11, a woman from ostensibly calm Jupiter, Florida, asked me, “Don't you think this is the most dangerous time in history? My friends and I call each other, we hardly dare leave the house. We just pray our children are safe.” The mind springs easily to today's actual conflicts, because TV news is about bad things: terrorists, drones, Syria, incipient civil wars in South Sudan and the Central African Republic, murders everywhere.
Yet these are exceptions. The estimated 73,455 Syrians killed in 2013 represent more than half the world's deaths in armed conflict last year. Pinker says that annual deaths in battle dropped by over 90 per cent from the late 1940s through the early 2000s.
Just since the 1990s, various trends have been pushing us further towards peace. On average, humans have been getting more educated, rich and internationally connected, and more likely to live in democracies. These factors would tend to reduce violence. Indeed, by some definitions, there have been no interstate wars since 2008. Meanwhile, homicides have dropped across the western world, with US murder rates down to 1960s levels.
Twenty years ago, great military powers had recent memories of “happy” wars: swift victories over bad guys, as in the Falklands(war between UK and Argentina over Falklands/Malvinas Islands) and the first Iraq war. Since then all their war memories have been bad, which encourages peace.
So does TV. Certain news channels are quite as idiotic as the Anchorman movies suggest, yet they are brilliant peacekeeping devices. The Ukrainian famine, the Bengal famine of 1943, the Holocaust and China's “Great Leap Forward” occurred off camera but today if any soldier fires a shot almost anywhere, CNN is on to it. Then politicians rush to intervene. They'd have stopped the first world war fast if soldiers had live-tweeted the carnage.
Smartphones have extended the media's reach. A decade ago, there might have been two television cameras in South Sudan. Now almost everything gets filmed.
Tolerance for violence is at a low. The cheering crowds of 1914 would have thought us soft and flabby. But whereas they didn't know about machine guns, we've seen atom bombs. Even Robert Gates, the long-time US defence secretary, sounds almost like an anti-war hippie in his new memoir Duty. “Even thinking about the troops,” he writes, “…I realised I was beginning to regard protecting them – avoiding their sacrifice – as my highest priority . . .this loss of objectivity meant it was time to leave.”
Interstate wars could return. China and Japan are now squabbling over some rocks in the East China Sea. However, Rana Mitter, professor of Chinese history at Oxford university, says: “I don't think there's a prospect of war.” No constituency in China is advocating military adventures abroad, he explains. Anyway, if Chinese soldiers died, the Chinese public “could turn against the party”.
What about an accidental slide into war? Mitter retorts that after China extended its “air-defence zone” in November, the resulting tensions soon eased, “perhaps in part because Joe Biden turned up and told everyone to cool it”. Unlike in 1914, today's international environment encourages peace. Looking at recent trends rather than 1914, expect the following:
• The American deal with Iran will stick, and Israelis and Palestinians will keep moving towards peace. The public in all these countries probably prefers peace, and if they chose war, foreign allies and media would punish them.
• Global defence spending will keep falling. In 2012 it dropped slightly for the first time since 1998, says the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. The decline probably deepened in 2013.
• Armies will increasingly commit violence in secret, using drones or camera-free interrogation chambers. No US government will again allow a televised war like Vietnam.
• Tough guys will lose elections. Historically, Republicans in the US campaigned on promises to be tough on crime and tough in war. They will miss crime and war.
• International trade will keep growing. Last month the World Trade Organisation agreed its first ever deal on global trade.
• Politicians will continue to lose status, as they no longer pursue national glory but quibble over pocketbook issues they can't even control. Napoleon is a grander figure than François Hollande, even though it's better to live in a country ruled by Hollande. Still, I'm not one of those pundits who can tell the future, so perhaps all this will change.
請根據(jù)你所讀到的文章內(nèi)容,完成以下自測題目:
1.Why does the writer choose “Peace in our time” as the title?
A.To mock British PM Chamberlain's Appeasement Policy.
B.To memorate Chamberlain's idea of permanant peace in Europe.
C.To examine why peace is in our time instead of Chamberlain's.
答案(1)
2.Intuitively, are we living in a peaceful time, according to the writer?
A.Yes, fewer people die in battle than in the past.
B.No, we see conflicts and murders on TV everyday.
C.Not sure.
答案(2)
3.Which of the following is not an “encouraging factor” of peace?
A.Swift military victories against bad guys.
B.People are better educated, rich and internationally connected.
C.TV and Twitter news are covering everywhere.
D.More people are living in democracies.
答案(3)
4.Is a Sino-Japanese conflict likely to occur, according to the writer?
A.Yes.
B.No.
答案(4)
* * *
(1)答案:C.To examine why peace is in our time instead of Chamberlain's.
解釋:在英語世界中,“我們這個時代的和平”是個為人熟知的典故。在第一段中,作者談到英德兩國人在一戰(zhàn)爆發(fā)時的興奮之情,這在今天看來是完全不可理喻的,這顯示了巨大的變化。
(2)答案:B.No, we see conflicts and murders on TV everyday.
解釋:The notion that we live in peaceful times is counter-intuitive. 從直覺上來說我們很容易覺得世界上到處是空難、爆炸和兇殺,并不和平。
(3)答案:A.Swift military victories against bad guys.
解釋:在第五段,作者介紹了幾個原因,更好的教育、更富裕和國際化的生活,更多的民主國家,都是促進(jìn)和平的因素。后面詳細(xì)講了電視和Twitter也是重要的因素。
(4)答案:B.No.
解釋:作者引用Mitter教授的話說,“I don't think there's a prospect of war.” “Anyway, if Chinese soldiers died, the Chinese public 'could turn against the party'.”
The End
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