金融時報:歐盟與希臘應(yīng)各退一步

歐盟與希臘應(yīng)各退一步

希臘極左翼聯(lián)盟黨廢除債務(wù)和歐盟拒絕這么做都有很強的理由。為此雙方最好達(dá)成協(xié)議，將償付金額與希臘GDP增長水平掛鉤，從而達(dá)到雙贏局面。

測試中可能遇到的詞匯和知識：

waterboarding水刑 ['w?:t?b?:d??]

repudiation廢除[r??pju:d?'e??n]

opine認(rèn)為|[??'pa?n]

predicament困境 [pr??d?k?m?nt]

austerity緊縮 [?'ster?t?]

jubilant歡欣鼓舞的[?d?u:b?l?nt]adj.

pragmatism實用主義[?prægm?t?z?m]

Syriza's electoral win is a chance to strike a deal (605 words)

by Financial Times, January 27, 2015 5:44 am German voters (and other creditors) presumably want to be paid back in euros and not drachmas.

The victory of far-left Syriza in last weekend's Greek general election opens a dangerous new phase in the eurozone crisis. Its leader Alexis Tspiras has demanded an end to the “fiscal waterboarding” that in his view has left Greece trapped in a debtor's prison. But the rest of Europe, and Germany in particular, have so far stood their ground. If no compromise can be found Greece risks being bundled out of the euro by the end of the year.

The scale of Greece's problems sets it apart from the rest of Europe. The depression Athens suffered was as deep as any since the 1930s. Unemployment has soared and remains high, and Greece remains cut off from capital markets while other countries borrow ever more cheaply. After a rescheduling in 2012, its enormous debt is mostly owed to other European governments.

It is easy to see why Syriza put debt repudiation at the heart of its electoral campaign. John Paul Getty once opined that “if you owe the bank $100, that's your problem; if you owe the bank $100m, that's the bank's problem”. Greece's predicament may ultimately force creditors to the negotiating table. To service its debt burden would require Greece to operate as a quasi slave economy, running a primary surplus of 5 per cent of GDP for years, purely for the benefit of its foreign creditors. Even the IMF has dropped hints in favour of some debt forgiveness.

But Greece's EU creditors have equally strong reasons for refusing. Caving to Syriza's demands would come at a high political cost, particularly for Germany's Angela Merkel, who is harried by the eurosceptic AfD on her right. Other struggling countries would find their own radical parties emboldened by Syriza's success. No country deserves to live beyond its means indefinitely.

Back in 2011, Greece posed an existential threat to the eurozone. Today, Berlin and Frankfurt are no longer as frightened by the prospect of Greece leaving the single currency. Yet for the Greek people this would be a catastrophe: a giant economic step backwards and a blow to living standards just as severe as any endured under austerity.

Therefore, despite his jubilant post-match rhetoric, the cards remain stacked against Mr Tsipras. If he is determined to stay in the euro, he and his party will have to compromise. The new coalition government in Athens must continue difficult reforms to ensure greater competitiveness. Repudiating all of the conditions imposed as part of past bailouts is simply unrealistic. Some of Syriza's programme represents progress: the commitment to tackle tax evasion and the dominance of the economy by oligarchs. But mostly, Syriza wants to spend money that Greece does not have: on civil servants, free food and electricity and a higher minimum wage.

The EU should respond in kind to any signs of pragmatism from Syriza. On debt, arguments about fairness cut both ways; those banks that heedlessly lent money before the crisis must bear some of the risk. A programme should be agreed that restores the Greek economy to a level where debt repayments become affordable. This could be done so that creditors still do not take a writedown of the amount owed. The neatest way would be to link repayments with the level of Greek GDP.

A deal linked to growth would effectively turn Greek debt into risky Greek equity, which creditor nations will still find hard to swallow. But demanding money back merely to hasten the bankruptcy of the Greek state makes no sense. German voters (and other creditors) presumably want to be paid back in euros and not drachmas.

請根據(jù)你所讀到的文章內(nèi)容，完成以下自測題目：

1.The word “emboldened” in paragraph 4 can be replaced by “____”.

A.enlarged

B.embedded

C.encouraged

D.empowered

答案(1)

2.According to the paragraph 1 to 3, which of the statement below is true？

A.The fiscal policies in the eurozone are beneficial to Greece in all aspects.

B.The boom Athens experienced was unprecedented.

C.Greece's enormous debt is mostly owed to the Asian and North American governments.

D.The party that is elected takes debt repudiation as the core of its campaign.

答案(2)

3.What is one of the main reasons of Greece's EU creditors for refusing to repudiate the debt?

A.They are worried about imitation of other radical parties in the countries in debt.

B.They are in urgent need for currency.

C.They cannot support the expense for social welfare system that require large amount of money.

D.They are afraid that Greece may turn into a communist country.

答案(3)

4.What is one of the main policy that Syriza will take after election？

A.Greece will withdraw the eurozone immediately.

B.They will spend more on social welfare and raise the minimum wage.

C.They may attach more importance on political reform and ensure the constitution of legal system.

D.The party tend to start a revolution to establish a new government.

答案(4)

* * *

(1)答案：C.encouraged

解釋：原文中提到“希臘極左翼聯(lián)盟黨的成功會極大地鼓勵其國內(nèi)的激進(jìn)黨派”，embolden指“使大膽”，與以下“encourage”的意思更為相似。

(2)答案：D.The party that is elected takes debt repudiation as the core of its campaign.

解釋：第三段明確提到，激進(jìn)左翼聯(lián)盟將債務(wù)廢除作為選戰(zhàn)的核心。本題將內(nèi)容進(jìn)行少許轉(zhuǎn)述。

(3)答案：A.They are worried about imitation of other radical parties in the countries in debt.

解釋：第四段提到，“而對其他處于困境中的國家來說，希臘極左翼聯(lián)盟黨的成功會極大地慫恿其國內(nèi)的激進(jìn)黨派”。暗示如果歐洲債權(quán)國廢除了希臘債務(wù)，那么其他在債務(wù)中的歐洲國家的左翼政黨很可能也會模仿希臘的做法上臺，要求廢除債務(wù)。

(4)答案：B.They will spend more on social welfare and raise the minimum wage.

解釋：文章第六段寫道，“不過總體而言，極左翼聯(lián)盟黨還是想在希臘缺乏投入的方面增加開支：該黨派希望加大公務(wù)員開支，希望推行免費食品和電器計劃，并打算提高最低工資水平。”